Conclusion

This study revealed aspects pertaining to political violence and vigilante activities and strove for objectivity. To begin with, one is compelled by the situation or circumstances to take note of the fact that even though this has not been discussed, one must keep in mind that there has historically since time immemorial been different clans that inhabited in KwaZulu-Natal and that these clans have a long history of fighting amongst one another. The geographical positioning of KwaZulu-Natal also played a role in intensifying the feud that existed long before 1985. The region is quite mountainous and as such it was difficult to reach some places by way of motor vehicles. These places could therefore not be monitored effectively nor reached easily when violence broke out. By 1985, however, things had taken a different dimension and the formation of political parties contributed significantly to the shifting of fighting on a political level.

The monopolisation of KwaZulu-Natal by the IFP took another dimension with the formation of the UDF in 1983, which was thought by the media, in particular newspapers likeThe Natal Witness, to be an internal wing of the banned ANC. Bearing in mind that the KwaZulu-Natal homeland was created by the South African Go­vernment (the same Government that banned the ANC in 1960), the Government had to play a vital role in guarding the homeland against communistic ideologies being spread across the country through KwaZulu-Natal, where the ANC had a large backing. As such, the Government got itself entangled in the political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal. This study also revealed the extent to which the South African Government got itself involved in the infighting in KwaZulu-Natal. For example, the Inkathagate scandal is an interesting revelation of a desperate Government trying to protect KwaZulu-Natal through any given means, without taking into consideration the after-effects of such actions. The revelation of a former sergeant in the SADF, Felix Ndimene, could not go unnoticed, for the fact that he made a startling revelation with regard to the constant supply of arms to the IFP by high ranking Government officials and the SADF. The case involving SAP Captain Brian Mitchell was another interesting example whereby the Government's trying to play down its deep-rooted involvement in intensifying the vigilante activities and political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. Despite the fact that this study ends in 1994, one is tempted to mention in conclusion that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 1994 brought to the fore the loopholes that existed when Mitchell was tried before the law. It should be remembered that initially, there was lack of substantial evidence against Mitchell. The TRC went a little further in Mitchell's case. Although Mitchell was given amnesty, it should be noted that he was just a scapegoat receiving orders from high-ranking officials and people who wanted to pursue their own agendas, such as former Minister of Defence, Magnus Malan.

This study also highlighted the significant role played by the media in the whole issue of political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal. The insensitivity of the media intensified the political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal, and the propagandistic ideologies of different newspapers had a detrimental effect on the political violence and vigilantism in the region. The dishonesty in the giving out of wrong statistics and the subjectivity of various newspapers did not do any good to the people of KwaZulu-Natal. It played down the real truth so far as political violence and vigilante activities were concerned. The reason was that the newspapers tended to be subjective, depending on whom they supported in the whole political violence and vigilante activities debacle. Even though the international community gave the South African Government a serious head wash concerning the political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal, it was too little too late, as the real issue was how the violence and vigilantism could be ended in the best possible manner. Although the United States of America and other Western countries threatened the South African Government with sanctions, however it was not going to serve any purpose with regard to the situation in KwaZulu-Natal. The plight of the people in that region was going to remain the same, regardless of sanctions.

This study also brought to light another dimension as far as the ANC's involvement in the political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal was concerned. It should be noted that historians like Nicholas Haysom and Tom Lodge have realised that the involvement of COSATU and the UDF in the violence in KwaZulu-Natal was the same as the ANC being indirectly involved in political violence and vigilante activities. Therefore, while the Government was at fault with the role it played in KwaZulu-Natal, the ANC should also shoulder the blame to that extent. It should not be forgotten that when the ANC was unbanned in February 1990, it started making the KwaZulu-Natal region a formidable base of support. The release of Nelson Mandela a few days later in 1990 culminated in more violence in KwaZulu-Natal. His release heralded a period of confusion in that region. Uncertainty was the order of the day as people celebrated the release of Mandela in a very violent manner. The announcement by State President F.W. de Klerk that the first fully democratic general election was to be held on 27 April 1994 did not help to ease the political violence and vigilantism that had covered KwaZulu-Natal. A lot of vigilantes resisted change, and as such the thought of being incorporated into the South African Government under a unitary system brought more tension to that region. It would be an oversight not to take serious note of the IFP with regard to the manner in which the Party and its president, Chief Mangosutho Buthelezi, conducted themselves during the time when political violence and vigilante activities was at an all time high in KwaZulu-Natal. Their unnecessary comments at times intensified the feud that existed among various political organisations in KwaZulu-Natal. Greediness to hang on to power contributed immensely to people belonging to different vigilante groups as a means to gain protection, and also to make it easy for them to threaten those who challenged them, through acts of vigilantism. These groups of vigilantes in KwaZulu-Natal mostly acted upon the commands of people like Prince Gideon Zulu, who served in the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature. The IFP's recruitment campaign was also regarded as being responsible for intensifying political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. It was as a result of the IFP's campaigns that those who resisted becoming members of the IFP, joined forces to fight the violent manner in which they were forced to join the party against their will. It should therefore be noted that the IFP was not an innocent victim in the whole vigilante and political violence debacle in KwaZulu-Natal. This should be realised from this study, since it is aimed at adhering to the standards of objectivity. It must be said that this study proves beyond any reasonable doubt that the IFP contributed in a big way to intensify political violence and vigilante activities in KwaZulu-Natal.

Lastly, this study would not be complete if it failed to conclude on the impact that vigilante activities and political violence had on KwaZulu-Natal. As expected, a major loss of lives resulted; henceforth, many children became orphans. Investors withdrew their businesses. The region was in a mess. Political hostility was the order of the day. People were not even safe in their own homes. They lost trust in the system and took to anything to defend themselves. Children, as always, suffered the most. It was difficult for students to go to school, since it was not safe there. Consequently, illiteracy in KwaZulu-Natal was again not given the chance to be eradicated. One could say these problems would remain with KwaZulu-Natal for some time to come, unless something constructive is done. Political violence and vigilante activities destroyed the very foundation of humankind in KwaZulu-Natal, namely trust, unity and peace.