It also adds: "Nine out of the hundreds of prisoners were taken from their cells in the dead of the night, conveyed by special train to Durban under armed escort and placed on board the Umgeni for England." Most of them were English-born men. The names of the nine deportees were J. T. Bain, A. Crawford, R. B. Waterson, G. Mason, D. McKerrall, W. Livingstone, A. Watson, W. H. Morgan and H. J. Poutsma-the latter general secretary of the Railway and Harbour Union, and who organised the general strike. The first five were all avowed Socialists. It is always a qualification to hold a military title to be a capable administrator, as the emblem of all constitutional governments is the sword. Hence the military experience of General Botha and Smuts always aided them in matters of industrial disputes, but this time General Smuts rather overstepped human tolerance, and he afterwards had reason to regret it; much as those people have been forgiven, he was not and many to-day have reason to remember.

The voyage of the Umgeni was of course cabled to England and the Left-wing elements there made arrangements for the reception, not perhaps as the Botha-Smuts Government thought or meant it to be.

Hyde Park, England's rostrum for demagogues, was prepared for the occasion with as many platforms as there was deportees, and what they didn't tell the English people themselves the comrades of England enlarged upon. Hence England was agog in its damnation of the Both- Smuts Government and its treatment of the deportees. That cute old politician John X. Merriman saw through the whole blunder. He rose from his seat in the House and trounced the Government. (Smuts has plenty of brains but none of J. X. Merriman's intelligence, or he wouldn't have made those deportations possible.)

Merrimas Erriman's on the Deportation

This is something like what John X. said:

"To punish these men for their activities in the recent industrial unrest you have taken them from the cells and sent them on a free holiday trip to England-nine well-trained eloquent agitators full of all the grievances of the industrial unrest, and also with bitterness against the South African Government-there to be banqueted, entertained and induced to travel all over England to preach their own martyrdom and our damnation."

Evidently some occult fence had inspired John X. for that is just what did happen. And when they had finished their mission and been declared "jolly good fellows" by all England, they were quietly brought back to South Africa on the Umvoti, another boat with a Bantu name, less Livingstone, whom they treated so well that he chose to stay. The Government gave the deportees some additional clothing and an overcoat each when they were shipped to England and £ 3 cash for pocket money, which would hardly pan out during the whole period of several months. Circumstances alter cases about the liberality of Capitalist governments. In the previous strike of 1913 of the miners when, as I have already stated, Botha and Smuts were compelled to sign the "peace treaty" to finish the strike, they had also to compensate the "blacklegs" whom they had allowed to take the place of the miners on strike. Not with £ 3 for their pocket money until they could pick up another job, but £ 300 each, which totalled in all £ 47,000, and not from the mining magnates' banking account, but from the taxpayers of South Africa.

The 1914 strike, unlike the one of 1913, fizzled out. Poutsma was a man with some ability, but not quite in the confidence of the organised Labour movement. He, I believe, initiated the strike without approaching the executive trade union authorities at that time. Proof of his instability as a Labour man was shown on his return, when he became paid organiser of the Botha-Smuts party which deported him. Crawford, also, could never fit in with the orthodox Labour Party or trade union movement, and started, or became secretary of, the South African Industrial Federation, which the Government seemed to favour and chose Crawford as their favoured delegate to the Geneva and Washington Labour Conferences. These conferences, which are a sort of Left-wing offshoot of the League of Nations, have, like that body, wasted a lot of time and expense, and helped to paint a good many of the supposed "reds" who attended a little more "pink" than anything in the way of the solidarity of the world workers; hence they need not have quarrelled as to who was sent there. It didn't matter very much, only to the privileged persons who attended such well-paid excursions. When Capitalist government takes an interest in any venture one can always be sure it is more of a pose of their abundant sympathy than anything chat is likely to interfere with the existing control of industry. I have gone at some length into the 1914 strike, and into the deportation because several of my old comrades were involved.

Crawford's life was cut short in 1924. He was quite a boy when he came out with troops to the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. Yet he became a foreman in the Pretoria Railway's Works soon after, till they dismissed him in 1906 for agitating against retrenchment. He has been the subject of very much criticism by the orthodox Labour Party and trade union groups in Johannesburg. I have found that many of those people from that area are very prone to point at anything not just in accordance with their own point of view. Crawford worked for years and sacrificed all his financial resources to try to get a Socialist movement going there, for no other interest than the cause. While I was in Pretoria in 1912 -13 I used to go to Johannesburg to assist at the meetings in the Market Square, and went with him on deputations to the various other bodies with a view to establishing a more revolutionary outlook amongst the masses of organised labour in the mining and other industries of Johannesburg. One would imagine, according to the historical records of the industrial turmoil in that area behind the barricades, that Johannesburg would be just the place for the seat of revolutionary activity. Nothing of the sort. All the risings that have happened there have been over some local grievance, cither that the magnates attempted the employment of Coloured labour, increased the hours of labour or reduced the staff of the underground shift. Very desirable protests which, in 1913, resulted in the firing of Park railway station and the offices of the Johannesburg Star and other such acts.

This induced a panicky Government to bring out their troops and clear the streets, firing down them and charging the crowds, resulting in quite a number being killed, including women and children, but these sacrifices were not for the cause. All this originated with a minor dispute on the Kleinfontein gold mine at Benoni, Johannesburg. Most of those killed knew nothing about the dispute. The Government, after signing the "peace treaty," would give the dispute "serious attention," which a Left paper afterwards said "was more honoured in the breach than in the observance."

The 1914 General Railway Strike did not publish any specific detail of their grievances, only that the Government, who owns the railways in South Africa, were threatening to retrench; this ended after numerous imprisonments and the deportations with no beneficial results.

In 1919 Johannesburg Municipal Councillor Reed declare' was too much loafing amongst the municipal employees. This RESULTED in the employees demanding his resignation; and they downed tools till that was done. J. T. Bain, as chairman of the Transvaal Federation of Trades, with the permission of the union concerned, attempted something of a revolutionary character in establishing a "Board of Control" of the Johannesburg Municipal Council, with himself as "Mayor," directing proceedings, which lasted several days alter the stoppage of all traffic caused by the strike. However, with the apology of the offending councillor, as usual the minor grievance was remedied and the Board of Control faded out.

In 1920 a similar attempt was made over the dismiss.' municipal employee in Durban. The Council was usurped for one day only by a Board of Control, on which sat Harry W. Haynes as Mayor, I believe, for that short period. Harry is a well-grounded Socialist and has a facile pen. He was once editor of Forward, which still runs as a Labour organ in Johannesburg, but with less revolutionary matter in its columns. However, that, like most spasmodic attempts to take over, as quickly faded out. Harry's wanderings and activities have been of a varied character. He, with two others, once chained themselves to the seats in the visitors' gallery Parliament in Cape Town. They did it to address the Assembly unemployed and chained themselves to prevent being ejected. They addressed the House while the attendant filed them loose, as they had thrown the keys away. Strange that no action was taken against them. Harry is now editor of "Reef," said to be run by the Chamber of Mines. Only the other day I read of him making a most revolutionary speech; hence if the C.O.M. have control of his pen obviously they haven't of his tongue.

"Red Revolt," 1922.

Reviewing the various conflicts, I cannot miss the bloodiest of them all, 1922. In Johannesburg, of course, that is how they settle labour questions. Following the Russian revolution in 1917 it was thought by many, and dreaded by many more, that South Africa would follow suit. Hence the Russian character was soon given the conflict by the Capitalist Press as "Red Revolt," "Bolshevik Upheaval," with, of course, a strong contingent of "Red Guards" lining up for action. Many 1918 war heroes knew something about war strategy and proceedings quickly took shape. General Smuts, true to his dual office, took over supreme command. At the battle of Fordsburg aeroplanes, artillery and machine guns were used. The killed and wounded included many women and children.

The Government forces then proceeded to round up those suspected of complicity, lined some of them up without trial and shot them down in cold blood. About fifty others were tried for wilful murder (not those who killed the innocent women and children), eighteen of whom were sentenced to death. Four of them were hanged, the others' sentences being commuted to life imprisonment. This conflict was the result of an effort by the Chamber of Mines to dispense with the colour bar, which forbade Natives to be employed as mechanics. Not because they wanted to bring the Native up to the white man's level, but because a mechanic was cheaper at £ 2 per month than the white man at one pound per day. The names of the last three men that were hung on that occasion were H. K. Hull, D. Lewis and S. A. Long. It is said they went to the gallows singing the "Red Flag." Also it is recorded that 50,000 white men attended their funeral. One wonders how many of that vast number of Johannesburg citizens have given any study to those famous verses. Or how many of them ever think, if they have ever heard of, the equally famous Marxian slogan:

"Workers of the world unite,

You have nothing to lose but your chains."

That is many years ago and we may wonder what has become in those 50,000 people who followed those singers of the "Red Flag" to their graves. Obviously they have buried the axe, so to speak, and their indignation against Capitalist machinations. That all happened as I have just said, in Johannesburg-the city of great storms in the Labour movement, which generally end in the proverbial teacup. Most of the big organisations there have very conservative leaders. Remark­able, it seems it is generally so in all countries, and again is proof that the mass vote is always a moderate one. It is conspicuous that the smaller organisations have the most revolutionary leaders. Crawford was a man of outstanding abilities, who may have concluded that he was wasting his time in attempting to establish a Socialist movement in Johannesburg amongst so many conservative and self-interested workers, hence he resolved to get in touch with those who could put him in more responsible positions. I am not prepared to be the judge on what he did afterwards, but whatever he did it would never be right for his former opponents. I afterwards did in public speeches and writings criticise Crawford myself, but only because of his new reformist tactics. Yet, after all, if there is anything to be had by way of concessions from the Capitalist system, the diplomatic way is the best way to get it. The so-called "militants" often blunder in and spoil the whole show, and know little or nothing about their supposed revolutionary purpose; nor do they preach it even on opportune occasions. One may credit their abounding enthusiasm, which often means they put in a lot of time and do much useful work, but they are often an irritation to the more moderate wing and, as such, retard their purpose rather than solicit the sympathy of the greater following. They get many reverses, and perhaps not all the sympathy they deserve from the moderate party. I have found it ever thus during my long experience, hence it is rather a mistake for cither party to suppose they have come into immediate contact with any special gang. Good-natured criticism and toleration is the best possible way to promote harmony.

Controversy in the ranks of the trade unions is more rife since the "back to the masses" slogan of the Communist Party, which has driven them into the trade union movement and taught them to tamper with the wages of the Capitalist system, rather than their proper purpose, which is to show that with social ownership and control there will be no wage system, but will be worked on the basis "from each according to their ability, to each according to their efforts. If the Communist went into the trade union movement with a purpose of educating and gaining the confidence of the very moderate and conservative trade union leaders-and such are, as rule most numerous-one could appreciate their efforts.

The same intolerant attitude is taken up by people who now claim, for patriotic reasons that it ought to be the purpose of every individual to defend his own country. Well, there is nobody more patriotic in its true meaning to England, my homeland, than myself, having lived there thirty years. But, as a Socialist, I now chum that the world is my country and every man is my brother, but I find they are forced into war and brutally exploited by their various national governments, ruled on a Capitalistic basis.