'The Struggle for a National Convention'

Article written by Nelson Mandela for Fighting Talk, April
1961

'I am attending this conference as delegate from my village. I was elected
at a secret meeting held in the bushes far away from our kraals simply because
in our village it is now a crime for us to hold meetings. I have listened most
carefully to speeches made here and they have given me strength and courage. I
now realise that we are not alone. But I am troubled by my experiences during
the last weeks. In the course of our struggle against the system of Bantu
Authorities, we heard many fighting speeches delivered by men we trusted most,
but when the hour of decision came they did not have the courage of their
convictions. They deserted us and we felt lonely and without friends. But I
will go away from here refreshed and full of confidence. We must win in the
end.'

These words were said at the All-in African Conference held at
Pietermaritzburg on 25 and 26 March. The man who said them came from a country
area where the people are waging a consistent struggle against Bantu
Authorities. He wore riding breeches, a khaki shirt, an old jacket, and came to
conference bare-footed. But his words held fire and dignity and his remarks,
like those of other speakers, indicated that this conference was no talking shop
for persons who merely wanted to let off steam, but a solemn gathering which
appreciated the grave decisions it was called upon to take.

The theme of the conference was African unity and the calling, by the
government, of a national convention of elected representatives of all adult men
and women, on an equal basis, irrespective of race, colour or creed, with full
powers to determine a new democratic constitution for South Africa.

Conference resolved that if the government failed to call this convention by
31 May, countrywide demonstrations would be held on the eve of the republic in
protest against this undemocratic act.

The adoption of this part of the resolution did not mean that conference
preferred a monarchy to a republican form of government. Such considerations
were unimportant and irrelevant. The point at issue, and which was emphasised
over and over again by delegates, was that a minority government had decided to
proclaim a white republic under which the living conditions of the African
people would continue to deteriorate.

Conference further resolved that, in the event of the government failing to
accede to this demand, all Africans would be called upon not to co-operate with
the proposed republic. All sections of our population would be asked to unite
with us in opposing the Nationalists.

The resolution went further and called upon democratic people the world over
to impose economic and other sanctions against the government. A National Action
Council was elected to implement the above decisions.

Three other resolutions were passed in which the arrests of members of the
Continuation Committee were strongly condemned; and in which conference called
for the lifting of the ban imposed on the African National Congress and the
Pan-Africanist Congress. The system of Bantu Authorities was attacked as a
measure forcibly imposed by the government in spite of the unanimous opposition
of the entire African nation.¹

These resolutions were adopted unanimously by more than fifteen hundred
delegates, from town and country, representing nearly one hundred and fifty
political, religious, sporting, and cultural organisations.

Members of the Liberal Party, the Inter-Denominational African Ministers'
Federation, the Eastwood Advisory Board, the Zenzele Club, and scores of other
organisations from all over the country, spoke with one voice and jointly faced
the political changes introduced by the Nationalist Government.

For thirteen hours they earnestly and calmly considered the grave political
situation that has arisen in South Africa as a result of the disastrous policies
of the present regime.

Now and again, discussions were interrupted by stirring tunes sung with
intense feeling and tremendous enthusiasm by the entire conference. The
favourite song was 'Amandla Ngawethu', composed by the freedom fighters of Port
Elizabeth during the recent bus boycott in that city.

The gathering was a moving demonstration of comradeship and solidarity and
was acclaimed by the South African press as an outstanding success.

The main resolution showed that the delegates visualised much more than a
token demonstration on the chosen dates. The people contemplated a stubborn and
prolonged struggle, involving masses of the people from town and country, and
taking different forms in accordance with local conditions, beginning before 31
May and which would continue unabated until democratic reforms are
instituted.

Delegates fully appreciated that the above decisions were not directed
against any other population group in the country. They were aimed at a form of
government based on brute force and condemned the world over as inhuman and
dangerous. It was precisely because of this fact that conference called on the
Coloured and Indian people and all European democrats to join forces with
us.

It will indeed be very tragic if, in the momentous days that lie ahead, White
South Africa will falter and adopt a course of action which will prevent the
successful implementation of the resolutions of conference.

In the past we have been astonished by the reaction of certain political
parties and 'philanthropic' associations which proclaimed themselves to be anti
apartheid but which, nevertheless, consistently opposed positive action taken by
the oppressed people to defeat this same policy. Objectively, such an attitude
can only serve to defend White domination and to strengthen the Nationalist
Party. It also serves to weaken the impact of liberal views amongst European
democrats and lays them open to the charge of being hypocritical.

All the democratic forces in this country must join in a programme of
democratic changes. If they are not prepared to come along with us, they can at
least be neutral and leave this government isolated and without friends.

Finally, however successful the conference was from the point of view of
attendance and the fiery nature of the speeches made, these militant resolutions
will remain useless and ineffective unless we translate them into practice.

If we form local action committees in our respective areas, popularise the
decisions through vigorous and systematic house-to-house campaigns, we will
inspire and arouse the country to implement the resolutions and to hasten the
fall of the Nationalist government within our lifetime.

For the National Action Council, Mandela, who was now working underground,
toured the country secretly during April and May, with Walter Sisulu, organising
for the anticipated three-day stay-at-home. During this period he also addressed
appeals to various sections of the population, calling for their support for the
proposed National Convention; among these appeals are three letters printed here
and the letter to Prime Minister Verwoerd, cited during Mandela's 1962
trial.

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