South African History Online

Address by Comrade President Nelson R Mandela to the International
Federation of Newspaper Publishers Conference

Prague, 26 May 1992

Mr. Chairperson,
Your Excellency,
Distinguished Publishers and
Proprietors,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

Permit me to express my profound appreciation of the invitation extended to
me by the International Federation of Newspaper Publishers to address this
important assembly. I consider it a great honour that your organisation has
asked me to share our views with you on this occasion. I recognise that this is
an honour bestowed not on me personally, but on the movement which I have been
associated with all of my adult life.

Your conference takes place in the context of a rapidly changing world.
During this century, which has witnessed upheavals and transformations of
daunting proportions, the present decade will be recorded as a period of intense
change, that has swept away institutions of long standing and is inaugurating a
new age of democracy, social justice and freedom. Our own country, South Africa,
is also caught up in the throes of a process of transformation which has
continental proportions.

The media, and especially the oldest component of the mass media, the
newspapers, have played their role in assisting the birth of this emergent of
this democratic order.

It is an irony that in a world in which massive illiteracy still enslaves
millions, not least in our own country, the printed word nonetheless carries
great weight. An awesome and grave responsibility therefore devolves on the
owners of media and publishers. It is a responsibility I know you take very
seriously. Three outstanding South African journalists, the late Percy Gqoboza,
Donald woods, and Anthony Heard, have been recipients of your prestigious Golden
Pen Award.

Your Federation so honoured them because of the contribution they
individually made to the struggle for freedom of expression in South Africa.
During the darkest days of apartheid and repression, the International
Federation of Newspaper Publishers was amongst the many international bodies
that lent their voices to that of millions in South Africa demanding freedom of
the Press. We remain in your debt for that support.

A South African novelist once compared "truth" to a powerful wrestler. No
matter how hard its adversary, "falsehood", may try to overwhelm it, truth
refuses to yield. And even when falsehood thinks it has overpowered truth, truth
will gather new strength and cast off falsehood .

Truth has great power; yet it is also extremely elusive. No single person, no
body of opinion, no political doctrine, no religious doctrine can claim a
monopoly on truth. Truth can be arrived at only through the untrammelled contest
among differing opinions, in which as many points of view as possible are given
a fair and equal hearing. It has therefore always been our contention that laws
and mores that repress freedom of expression are a disservice to society. we
would also insist that these are devices that are employed by falsehood. Freedom
of expression, of which freedom of the press and other media is a crucial
aspect, is one of those core values of democracy that has always been a central
plank of the ANC's political platform. This was inevitable because a number of
the pioneers of the black press were amongst the founders of the ANC. In this
context I recall the name of the first President of the ANC, Dr. John
Langalibalele Dube, a distinguished educator who founded Ohlange Institute and
the newspaper, "Ilanga lase Natal". There was also that giant among
African men of letters, Solomon Plaatje, the founder "Koeranta
eaBatswana". No less committed a journalist and publisher was the Reverend
Dr. W. B. Rubusana, a distinguished writer and translator, the founder of
''Izwi LaBantu".

With such antecedents, the ANC was, from its birth in 1912, firmly devoted to
securing the right of the citizen to express whatever opinion he/she subscribed
to, as long as the exercise of that right did not harm others.

South Africa is indeed a land of ironies. In 1912, when the ANC was founded,
there was a great diversity of media voices in our country. That is now a thing
of the past. In 1912 there existed at least two weekly newspapers in the Xhosa
language, published and owned by African companies. There was at least one
Tswana language weekly, owned by a co-operative of African business interests.
At the same time there were at least two Zulu language newspapers, similarly
owned and published by African companies.

In 1913, the ANC was able to establish its own newspaper,
"Abantu-Batho" (The People). with the exception of "Imvo",
formerly "Imvo ZabaNtsundu" (Black Opinion) and "Ilanga lase
Natal", everyone of these African newspapers has disappeared. Both
"Imvo" and "Ilanga" are no longer under African ownership, having
been acquired by the powerful media giants that dominate the print media in
South Africa.

The false impression is sometimes created that the demise of the black owned
newspapers was purely the outcome of market forces. The hard facts of the matter
are that successive white minority governments have, since 1910, steadily
undermined and destroyed the legal property rights of the disenfranchised
majority of South Africans.

It was the brutal application of racist law that deprived the African
community of the economic capacity to build and sustain any autonomous
institutions of value. By 1950, virtually every venture made by black South
Africans to gain a foothold in publishing had come to naught. We should also not
forget that the outright banning of publications played no small part in
this.

The reality is that today, three large conglomerates, drawn exclusively from
the white racial group, dominate the print media of our country. This, as you
may well imagine, has produced an alarming degree of conformism in the South
African print media. With the exception of one daily, "The Sowetan", the
senior editorial staffs of all South Africa's daily newspapers are cast from the
same racial mould. They are all white, they are all male, they are all from a
middle class background and tend to share a very similar life experience. The
same, unfortunately, holds true for the mass circulation weeklies - again with a
few exceptions.

The ANC has no objection in principle to editors with such a profile. What is
disturbing however, and in our view, harmful, is the threat of one
dimensionality this poses for the media of our country as a whole. It is clearly
unacceptable that a country whose population is overwhelmingly black, 85% of the
total, is serviced by media whose principal players have no knowledge of the
life experience of that majority.

The scandal that has rocked South Africa in the past month, the revelations
that serving members of the South African Government share responsibility in
ordering the deaths of four political activists, reaffirms the crucial role of a
diverse and independent press in South Africa.

We have long suspected that senior officers of the South African Defence
Force are deeply implicated in planning, financing, and fuelling the violence
that has decimated the African population of Natal and the Witwatersrand. Proof
has now been provided. The investigations that have uncovered the sordid facts
were conducted by small, independent publications who have pioneered a new
tradition of investigative journalism which South Africa has sorely lacked for
the last 30 years. That the criminals in high places responsible for these deeds
might one day, soon, be brought to justice is a tribute to the alternative and
independent weekly newspapers. The courage shown by these endeavours needs also
to be recognised.

Founded at a time of severe repression, it was these publications that kept
the flag of press freedom flying in the face of draconian press censorship. They
offered a platform to the people and issues generally excluded from the
mainstream print media. The established newspapers are beginning to follow the
lead given by the alternatives in order to compete.

People on both sides of the political spectrum, particularly those in
authority, are aware that the activities of the alternative media are under
close scrutiny. As recently as the weekend of May 15th, the Minister of Law and
Order in South Africa brought an injunction against the "Weekly Mail" and
"Die Vrye Weekblad" to prevent these two papers from bringing to light
facts they had uncovered of police wrongdoing and a conspiracy to fuel
violence.

The removal from South Africa's Statute books of the scores of laws,
ordinances, regulations and administrative measures that abridge the rights of
South African citizens to know the truth, and which repress the freedom of the
media to publish, is essential for the creation of a climate of free political
activity. we have insisted that this be effected as speedily as possible because
these laws provide a convenient shield to conceal government misdeeds. They also
inhibit the growth of a democratic culture that is beginning to find roots, and
which needs careful nurturing.

The tradition that has emerged through this process must be safeguarded if we
are to achieve democracy in South Africa. R critical independent and
investigative press is the lifeblood of any democracy. It must be free from
state interference. It must have the economic strength to stand up to bullying
by Government officials. It must be protected so that it can protect our rights
as citizens.

To ensure the free flow of ideas and information is one of the objectives the
ANC seeks to attain in a new South African

constitution. The maintenance and extension of the limited diversity the
alternative newspapers have been able to inject into our print media is of vital
importance. The huge imbalances that persist in the press sector between a
handful of struggling independent, alternative newspapers and the giant
monopolies - the Argus, Times Media Ltd., Nasionale Pers, and Perskor - must be
redressed. this should also include reassessment of the control exercised over
distribution.

The new independent weeklies had been fortunate in winning the assistance of
international funders when they first set up during the 1980s. They are now
working against a difficult economic climate. It will not be easy for them to
continue to grow and become self sustaining. The five major independent weeklies
agreed, in March 1992, to join the Newspaper Press Union (the NPU) - the
industrial body that represents the established urban and country based
newspapers in South Africa.

This development could signify the end of a long division in our newspaper
industry. Tension between the mainstream and the alternatives peaked during the
1985 to 89 States of Emergency when the then State President, P.W. Botha, tried
to conclude special agreements with the NPU at the expense of the alternatives.
There were also differences because the alternative media were prepared to defy
press restrictions while the mainstream newspapers, despite their power,
continued to support shameful special agreements with the South African police,
the SADF, the South African Department of Prisons - a regime of rigorous self
censorship that protected the Pretoria Government against regelation of its
worst excesses. This compliant attitude has not yet completely altered. we hope
that the new political climate, created through the struggle of our people, in
which the alternative media play an outstanding role, will afford the two sides
of our media industry the opportunity to accept each other as partners, with a
shared interest in defending freedom of the press now and in the new
dispensation.

We stress that the mainstream media have an equal interest in ensuring the
diversity of the South African press even in the teeth of the economic pressures
that militate towards monopolies.

As the South African newspaper industry rejoins the world media community, it
is important that meaningful steps are taken to reduce the imbalances in control
and access to the media. In this regard it is necessary that the conglomerates
who today bestride the South African media like colossi, find ways to
disaggregate themselves so as to make room for other players.

Mr. Chairperson.

Despite the indecisive outcome of Codesa II, which stalled precisely because
the National Party and Government refused to accept democratic principles, we
have no doubt that democracy is the inevitable result of the negotiating process
now underway.

Our country is making a troubled transition from racism and apartheid to
democracy. Our path is beset with problems and at times the battalions of
democracy are besieged by those of our discredited past. Those who want to cling
to this past are determined to see us fail. It is they who are the agency for
what has been projected to the international community as black on black
violence; as inter-ethnic pogroms; or, at best, the expression of a primordial
African intolerance of a diversity of political opinions.

There is now compelling evidence implicating elements of the State Security
organs in the orchestration of these violent deeds. The shocking indifference of
the majority of our white compatriots, which sadly finds reflection also in our
mass circulation daily newspapers, to this heartless bloodletting is a cause for
great concern. The De Klerk Government, its shrill protestations
notwithstanding, still has to demonstrate any meaningful commitment to tracking
down these killers and bringing them to justice.

Because of these acts of omission we are finding it increasingly difficult
not to draw the conclusion that this violence intersects with aspects of State
President De Klerk's own political agenda. And ultimately, as State President,
he has to assume full responsibility for the carnage.

The talks we have had with the South African government, both in the context
of the five working groups of CODESA, and in bilateral discussions, indicate
deep-seated reservations among them about coming to terms with the logical
consequences of democracy. The reluctance of De Klerk and his colleagues to live
with democratic arrangements became very evident in the last few days preceding
CODESA lI. They remain intransigent, acting in narrow self-interest as opposed
to the national interest of our country. We are deeply disappointed that CODESA
II failed to deliver the breakthrough so many worked so tirelessly to
achieve.

The South African government has placed four major obstacles in the way of
forward movement. These are:

• Unacceptably high percentages to draft a constitution, in essence veto
  powers through the back door.
• Determination of boundaries and entrenched powers at both a regional and
  local level during the interim phase, to be binding on the future democratic
  constitution.
• An undemocratic and unelected Senate with veto powers; and
• A determination that the interim constitution, a mechanism to ensure
  continuity during the transition, includes wide veto powers and so becomes a
  permanent feature, remaining in force indefinitely. The essence of the problem
  is not one of percentages or arithmetic. It is that the National Party is
  trying to hold on to power at all costs, introducing minority veto powers in a
  variety of ways that can only result in paralysis of decision making, strife
  and great instability. This intransigence fundamentally affects the very
  process of democratisation of the country.

The majority of disenfranchised South Africans can ill-afford to wait
patiently while the privileged minority mull over the implications democracy
will have for them. Those who delay the birth of democracy assume an awesome
responsibility and should be aware of the risks their actions entail for the
country as a whole. Our people cannot postpone their hunger. Neither can their
freedom be postponed. Time is not on our side. South Africa needs democracy as
much as its dry earth needs rain. The undoubted potential of our country and its
people will never be realised without it.

The ANC is fully aware that its own track record and commitment to justice
has been subjected to question. We understand and welcome the concern expressed
by our own, South African media, and that of the world.

I have often said that the media are a mirror through which we can see
ourselves as others perceive us, warts and all. The African National Congress
has nothing to fear from criticism. I can promise you, we shall not wilt under
criticism or close examination. It is our considered view that criticism can
only help us to grow, by calling attention to those of our actions and omissions
which do not measure up to our people's expectations and the democratic values
to which the ANC subscribes.

Many, including well-known international agencies, have expressed concern
about allegations that the ANC has abused, maltreated and even tortured people
it held in custody as agents in the employ of the apartheid government. We also
want to get to the bottom of this matter. It is for that reason that the ANC has
established its own Commission of Enquiry, composed of distinguished members of
the bar, with impeccable records. We would have preferred that the Commission be
allowed to complete its work and make a full report before its competence was
called into question.

In this instance too, the media could assist us by encouraging those that
have facts with a bearing on the enquiries of the Commission, to come forward.
The ANC has absolutely no interest in a cover up. Our leadership, in addition to
the Commission of Enquiry, is very open to meet anybody who believes he or she
has questions to put to us on these matters, and is more than ready to answer
these questions to the best of our ability.

Freedom of the press is amongst the oldest and most valued of the freedoms
for which so many South Africans have given their lives. Among them we are proud
to recall the names of two courageous ANC militants, Joe Gqabi and Ruth First,
the tenth anniversary of whose assassination we are marking this year.

Joe Gqabi was a skilled journalist who served a twelve year prison term on
Robben Island. In 1982 he was assassinated in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe,
by persons in the hire of the South African Intelligence Services.

Ruth First was an outstanding investigative journalist and academic. She was
murdered with a parcel bomb in her offices at the Eduardo Mondlane University in
Maputo, Mozambique, by agents of the Directorate of Military Intelligence of the
South African Defence Force.

These were journalists in the tradition of the founders of the ANC whom I
have already mentioned. It would be a slight to their memory and their
pioneering work if by our actions we proved unworthy of their sacrifice.

I cannot overemphasise the value we place on a free, independent and
outspoken press in the democratic South Africa we hope to build. This task will
be even more important given the legacy of information manipulation and
distortion employed by the National Party's faithful servants, the South African
Broadcasting Corporation.

Such a free press will temper the appetite of any government to amass power
at the expense of the citizen. A free press will be the vigilant watchdog of the
South African public against the temptation to abuse power. This is all the more
reason why the press in South Africa, including in its ownership, should reflect
the composition and varied viewpoints of all our people.

The African National Congress reiterates its commitment to the attainment of
freedom of the press in South Africa as a democratic objective of intrinsic
value.

The tide in the annals of all countries and peoples ebbs and flows. Even when
it appears we have sustained reverses it would be foolish to despair. South
Africa is experiencing the terrible birth pangs occasioned by a democracy
struggling to be born. lf we are to secure the life of the mother and her child,
we dare not fail.

In closing, permit me to quote the words of that democratic journalist.
Thomas Paine:

"These are the times that try men's souls: The summer soldier and the
sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their
country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and
woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; Yet we have this
consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the
triumph."

Thank you for the opportunity to speak to you today.