Speech

Message to the Annual Conference of the African National Congress in Bloemfontein

16 -19 December 1955

Introductory Remarks

It is proper and fitting that my friend and close colleague in Congress, Professor
Z. K. Matthews, having acted for me the whole of this year as President-General
on account of my illness throughout this year, should speak to Congress and
the world, through the medium of the Presidential Address.

I embraced with great joy and eagerness the privilege extended to me by the
National Executive to speak to conference through a special Presidential
Message, if I felt that my health permitted my doing so. I am indeed very
happy to be able to do so.

I would be untrue to the deepest human feelings if I did not, on behalf of
my family and myself, commence my message by expressing our deepest thanks
to the Almighty for bringing about my miraculous recovery. I would like to
closely associate in these thanks to the Almighty the staff of McCord Zulu
Hospital who were willing and devoted instruments in God's hands in bringing
about this recovery. Our feelings - my family and myself - would not be adequately
expressed if I did not say that we were deeply touched by the concern and
sympathy in my ill-health and the welfare of my family shown by many, many
people in our land and abroad during those difficult times. It was this concern
and sympathy which helped my family, especially my wife, to bear with such
great fortitude the burden of my illness.

My message: the African National Congress in
recent years, especially the last seven years

The chief burden of my message is to make a brief appraisal - not flinching
from even an agonising critical appraisal - of the reaction of the African
people in general and the African National Congress in particular to the
political situation in the Union of South Africa, as it has affected Africans
in recent years.

It is a matter of common consent that the African National Congress has
been unusually active in recent years. What is the background to this
activity? Any appraisal of Congress activity and the general reaction
of the African people to this activity must be preceded by a brief,
if only cursory, reply to this question - "What
is the background to our present Congress activity?"

The Significance of and background to present-day Congress activity

In my judgement, this period in the national history of the African people
will go down as one of the most outstanding periods in the all-round political
awakening of the African people, despite the almost insurmountable obstacles
put in their way by the White rulers of South Africa, who have selfishly
created barriers to African progress and advancement in South Africa in order
to promote their own selfish interests.

One of the most significant features in the development of our struggle is
that the African National Congress in recent years, after much internal
questioning and discussion, adopted a militant Programme of Action in 1949.
This Programme
was a direct outcome of a conviction that had been growing among the people
that the white people in South Africa had no intention of extending democratic
rights to the non-whites. The discriminatory laws that disgrace the statute
books of successive white governments from colonial days to the present
day are proof enough of the white man's hostility to the progress of Africans
and the non-white people in general . But can any one even with only a
cursory
knowledge of the position of things as affecting the African truly blame
them under such circumstances for having lost confidence in the declared
but as yet unexecuted - good intentions of the white governments that have
in succession ruled South Africa. It is under numerous bitter experiences
and disappointments with white rule
that Africans under the leadership of the African National Congress, came
to realize after their further betrayal in 1936 that the only correct course
to take was no longer merely to struggle for the amelioration of economic
and social disabilities here and there under which they suffered, but to
attack the whole citadel of white supremacy and domination, protected by
a network of discriminatory laws designed to keep the African people and
the non-Europeans in general in a state of perpetual servitude.

Congress, in alliance with her allies in the liberatory movement, the South
African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured Peoples' Organization
and latterly the South African Congress of Democrats, has consistently
directed her resources and energies in resisting tyranny and oppression.
On June 26,1950,
Congress together with her allies called upon the people of South Africa
to observe this as a day of mourning and prayer, as a protest against injustice
by white governments to non-Europeans. On June 26, 1952, the great Defiance
of Unjust Laws Campaign, which was to have a great impact on the world
and South African politics was launched. Since then all along the line
Congress
has sought to develop in the hearts of the people a spirit of defiance
of anything that degrades human dignity and arbitrarily sets limits to
the development
of any person's mental, physical and spiritual faculties to their utmost.
Still on that historic day, June 26,1955, in response to a clarion call
issued by our Congress movement
to the people of South Africa, black and white, the Congress of the People
met at Kliptown and unanimously adopted the Freedom Charter as the basis
for our struggle now and in the future. The Charter is now placed before
you for consideration and ratification.

One is happy to record that during this period the African National Congress
has emerged as the universally accepted leader of the liberatory movement
in South Africa. In co-operation with other progressive groups, it is building
slowly but surely a solid united front against oppression. No one can deny
that in the last seven years Congress has played no mean part in mobilizing
all progressive forces regardless of race or class, into a growing, formidable
army, which in due course will cleanse South Africa of all traces of domination,
racialism, and exploitation. The initial success which has attended the
efforts of Congress in building up a solid opposition to apartheid
his driven terror into the selfish hearts of the white rulers of South
Africa, hence the shameful ruthlessness of the Nationalist Party Government
in its attempts to stem the rising tide of freedom forces about to
engulf and destroy this evil thing, "Baaskap
Apartheid".

Some Urgent Problems in the Present Situation of Congress

We would be less than human if we would not have made grievous mistakes
in our Congress under the Militant Programme of Action which was adopted
in 1949. As intelligent people, we should take cognizance of our failures
and shortcomings and God knows, they are legion - and try to make them "stepping
stones to success".

What are some of these problems and shortcomings! Here again time and
space can only allow a fleeting mention of only a few.

1.We have been busily engaged in a laudable effort to establish a spirit
of defiance of unjust laws and treatment along non-violent lines and
in getting Africans to see that no one is really worthy of freedom
until he is prepared to pay the supreme sacrifice for its attainment
and defence. We have, unquestionably, met with a measure of success
in both our objectives since we can truthfully claim that Congress
followers have shown marvellous restraint in the face of police provocation.
We can also claim that we have established an inner core of bitter-enders
in fighting oppression - "the
faithful few" of whom we can say as said Sir Winston Churchill to
defenders of Britain in the Battle of Britain during the World War II:

"Never have so many owed so much to so few".
But for all this we cannot claim to have prosecuted our campaigns with anything
bearing semblance to military efficiency and technique. We cannot say that
the Africans are accepting fast enough the gospel of "Service and sacrifice for the general and large good without expecting a personal
and at that immediate reward", they have not accepted fully the basic truth enshrined in the saying "no cross, no crown".

It is time we took stock of methods of planning and prosecuting our campaigns.
l would suggest that the incoming National Executive should be charged with
the task of making a study of general organizational machinery with special
reference to its fitness for our present situation.

2. Faced as we are with the battle for freedom, it seems a wise stand to say
that the African National Congress should not dissipate its energies by indulging
in internal ideological feuds - a fight on "isms".
It is not practical and logical, however, to expect Congress to be colourless
ideologically. She must in some way define or re-define her stand and outlook
as regards, for example, her interpretation of African nationalism which
she made the philosophic basis of our struggle for freedom. Fighters for
freedom in Africa, it is fair to infer, were to be mobilized under its banner.
lt is also fair to infer that the African National Congress, having accepted
the fact of the multi-racial nature of the country envisaged an all inclusive
African Nationalism which, resting on the principle of "freedom for all" in a country, "unity for all" in
a country, embraced all people under African Nationalism regardless of their
racial and geographical origin who resided in Africa and paid their undivided
loyalty and allegiance. Congress should not be ashamed to tell the African
people that it is opposed to tribalism but for obvious practical considerations
it must gradually lead Africans from these narrow tribal loyalties to the
wider loyalty of the brotherhood of man throughout the world.

3. There does seem to be laxity in the machinery of Congress resulting in lack
of sound disciplinary behaviour in some Congress levels. Manifestations of
such behaviour at any Congress level anywhere must create confusion and uncertainty
in the ranks of Congress, especially among the masses and to say nothing
about its most disastrous effect in lowering the dignity of Congress in the
eyes of the world. This observation leads me to close this aspect of my "agonizing
re-appraisal" of Congress activity by repeating what I suggested earlier,
namely, that it might pay Congress handsome dividends in efficiency and dignity
if from time to time it took stock of its workings and its machinery.

What of the Future

Let me close my message by drawing you away from our failures and disappointments
to a vision of a glorious future that awaits us: a South Africa where all
people shall be truly free. Our cause is just and we have the divine assurance
that right must triumph over wrong - and apartheid is an evil policy and
the methods by which the Nationalist Government seeks to get a following
among the people are base and false. They are based on submission through
coercion and not through acceptance by love - the only sure basis for any
lasting acceptance. They are based on acceptance of apartheid by an appeal
to the baser instincts of man: selfishness and greed; personal aggrandisement.

Let us march together to freedom saying: "The
road to Freedom may be long and thorny but because our Cause is just, the glorious
end - Freedom - is ours."

Let us truly pledge to work together in love of Freedom for all in our lifetime
- not just freedom for "Europeans
only", and as we march, pledge to struggle together for freedom. Let
us draw inspiration from the Freedom Charter - THE PEOPLE SHALL GOVERN.

AFRIKA! MAYIBUYE!

INKULULEKO NGESIKATHI SETHU!

Yours in the cause of Freedom

A.J. Luthuli
President-General
African National Congress

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