South African History Online

Nelson Mandela's address to the International Press Institute Congress

Cape Town, 14 February 1994

Mr. Chairperson,
Your Excellency, State President de
Klerk,
Distinguished Publishers and Editors,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

First let me express my profound and heartfelt thanks for this invitation to
address this august gathering. Secondly, I want to express our deep appreciation
that the International Press Institute has chosen South Africa as the venue for
its congress. Your presence in our country at this time lends strength to the
overwhelming national consensus that only through the inauguration of democracy
can South Africa realise its undoubted potential.

In welcoming you to the shores of our country I wish also to express our
collective thanks, as South Africans, for the support our struggle for democracy
has received from the international media. During the darkest days of apartheid
and political repression, when thousands of South African patriots faced
imprisonment, bannings, house arrest, detention without trial,torture and even
death, it was the international media, not least its oldest component, the
press, that laid bare the atrocious conditions in our country and kept the
international community alive to the issue of apartheid.

You also lent your voices to those of thousands of our compatriots demanding
freedom of expression. South African writers, artists and journalists, who
incurred the wrath of the South African government for daring to use their
skills against tyranny, have invariably won your support. The South African
media, journalists and publishers alike, will remain in your debt for that
sustenance.

You have chosen to visit our country at a time when we are witnessing a
process of daunting proportions. South Africa is convulsed with the pangs of a
democracy struggling to be born. Those who want to delay this birth assume an
awesome responsibility and should be aware of the terrible risks their actions
entail. We are confident that your presence will, as in the past, assist in the
birth of the democratic new order.

An outstanding South African linguist and writer, A.C. Jordan, in his novel,
"The Wrath of the Ancestors", published in the Xhosa language in 1940, compares
"truth" to a powerful wrestler. No matter how hard its adversary, "falsehood",
may try to overwhelm it, truth refuses to yield. And even at the very moment
when "falsehood" appears to have the upper hand, "truth" gathers new strength
from the contest and casts off its adversary.

Truth does indeed have immense power; yet it remains extremely elusive. No
single person, no body of opinion, no political or religious doctrine, no
political party or government can claim to have a monopoly on truth. For that
reason truth can be arrived at only through the untrammelled contest between and
among competing opinions, in which as many viewpoints as possible are given a
fair and equal hearing. It has therefore always been our contention that laws,
mores, practices and prejudices that place constraints on freedom of expression
are a disservice to society. Indeed these are the devices employed by falsehood
to lend it strength in its unequal contest with truth.

The removal from South Africa's Statute books of the scores of laws,
ordinances, regulations and administrative measures that have empowered
government to abridge the rights of South African citizens to know the truth, or
which repress the freedom of the media to publish, or which limit citizens'
rights to express themselves are, in our view, essential for a democratic
political climate. Freedom of expression, of which press freedom is a crucial
aspect, is among the core values of democracy that we have striven for. To
realise and institutionalise these freedoms requires that, in the first
instance, we have a government representative of and based on the will of all
the people.

A critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of any
democracy. The press must be free from state interference. It must have the
economic strength to stand up to the blandishments of government officials. It
must have sufficient independence from vested interests to be bold and inquiring
without fear or favour. It must enjoy the protection of the constitution, so
that it can protect our rights as citizens.

It is only such a free press that can temper the appetite of any government
to amass power at the expense of the citizen. It is only such a free press that
can be the vigilant watchdog of the public interest against the temptation on
the part of those who wield it to abuse that power. It is only such a free press
that can have the capacity to relentlessly expose excesses and corruption on the
part of government, state officials and other institutions that hold power in
society.

I have often said that the media are a mirror through which we can see
ourselves as others perceive us, warts, blemishes and all. The African National
Congress has nothing to fear from criticism. I can promise you, we will not wilt
under close scrutiny. It is our considered view that such criticism can only
help us to grow, by calling attention to those of our actions and omissions
which do not measure up to our people's expectations and the democratic values
to which we subscribe.

The tragic absence of diversity in the South African media has been a matter
of grave concern to us over a number of years. We are pleased to note that in
recent weeks measure have been announced that can begin to seriously address
this problem. The acquisition of "The Sowetan", South Africans largest
daily newspaper by a consortium of African business interests; the transfer of
the Argus newspapers from the effective control of Johannesburg Consolidated
Investments and the Anglo-American Corporation are steps that we welcome. It
remains to be seen how these changes will affect both the diversity of
viewpoints and address previous imbalances in the access to and control over the
press.

South African media are still largely dominated by persons drawn almost
exclusively from one racial group. With the exception of "The Sowetan",
the senior editorial staffs of all South Africa's daily newspapers are cast from
the same racial mould. They are White, they are male, they are from a middle
class background, they tend to share a very similar life experience. The same
holds true for the upper echelons of the electronic media, again with a very few
recent exceptions.

While no one can object in principle to editors with such a profile, what is
disturbing is the threat of one dimensionality this poses for the media of our
country. It is clearly inequitable that in a country whose population is
overwhelmingly Black, (85%), the principal players in the media have no
knowledge of the life experience of that majority.

For the past thirty odd years South Africa has sorely needed bold, probing
and iconoclastic journalism. This is a tradition that has been pioneered by the
handful of courageous, new publications that constitute the alternative press.
Founded at a time of severe repression, when the proprietors of the mainstream
newspapers preferred to accept a shameful regime of rigourous self-censorship
rather than stand up to a repressive government, it was these newspapers that
kept the flag of press freedom aloft.

These independent weeklies won the support of international funders when they
were first established during the 1980s. Today they are working against a
difficult economic climate in which some have already gone under.

By offering a platform to interest groups, people and communities that
generally had little or no access to the mainstream press, they performed an
invaluable service to our country. South African editors today enjoy greater
freedom because these newspapers boldly and continuously tested the outer limits
of an essentially repressive system of media censorship. South African media law
remains largely un-reconstructed, despite our new interim constitution. The free
flow of ideas and information is one of the objectives we will strive for in the
Constituent Assembly that will emerge from the forthcoming democratic elections.

We consider the maintenance and extension of the diversity thus far attained
in South African media of vital importance. South Africa can ill- afford to
carry over into the re-regulated electronic media the huge imbalances that
pervaded the print sector until quite recently. Without being prescriptive, one
of the tasks of the Independent Broadcasting Authority which is due to be
established, should be the setting out of clear guidelines to ensure a measure
of diversity truly reflective of the rich tapestry of races, colours, creeds and
cultures that is South Africa, especially in ownership.

Mr. Chairperson,

That South Africa stands in need of profound changes is a commonplace. The
character this process will assume is in large measure going to be determined by
our ability to marry the tasks of economic reconstruction with those of
development. The ANC has developed an integrated and sustainable programme to
achieve these objectives. We conceive of it as a process driven by the people of
South Africa themselves - through institutions of representative democracy such
as the national parliament and the provincial legislative assemblies; through
organs of civil society such as the trade unions, professional bodies, employers
bodies, civics, etc; through various consultative fora such as the National
Economic Forum, the Education Forum, and others. The thorough going
democratisation of South Africa is essential for the success of this programme.
This is also as a nation-building project to heal the racial, ethnic and
cultural fragmentation of our country which is the legacy of a centuries of
racial domination.

To state our national problems starkly, we are burdened with scandalous
levels of poverty. which translates into 17 million people, out of a population
of 40 million, existing below the minimum living level; 11 million of these
reside in South Africa's rural areas, the majority of them are women. Needless
to say, they are all Black.

There are massively unequal patterns of distribution of income, wealth and
opportunity, underpinned by current systematic discrimination affecting
especially Blacks and women, in both the private and public sectors.

There is systematic denial of equal access to education and educational
opportunities to Blacks, especially Black women, sustained and buttressed by
current racially discriminatory allocations and budgeting.

Because it is unrepresentative, the apartheid regime has no legitimacy. It
consequently became secretive and highly militarised.

There is an absence of democratic accountability and control in every sphere
of government and the state.

To address this debilitating legacy requires determined action and a deep
commitment to transforming our society from crisis ridden present into something
all South Africans can be truly proud of.

The serious structural weaknesses which have led to South Africa's most
serious economic crisis are integrally related to our apartheid past. The
economy has stagnated and has registered no growth since 1990. There has been no
productive investment to speak of. In 1992, for example, total investment was
lower than in 1980. There has been a dramatic decline in employment levels with
something in the order of 46 to 48% of the economically active population
unemployed. Average real incomes are falling.

The economic policies pursued in the not too distant past have been
subordinated to the hare-brained aims of apartheid and a seige economy. Presided
over by a government enamoured to secrecy and committed to racial domination,
they were contradictory when they were not absurd.

Consequently South Africa remains dependent on mineral and other raw material
exports for earnings in a context of falling world prices. Despite a potential
which everyone recognises, South Africa has failed to develop a dynamic
manufacturing industry which can create jobs and compete on the world market.
South African employers, taking their cue from state policy, have tended to view
workers, the majority of whom are Black, as low cost inputs rather as valuable
human resources. This has invariably resulted in low skills and low
productivity.

Rather than invest in new productive areas, in the development of our human
resources, in research and development, South African business has tended to
hoard its capital or speculate for the highest profits. Small business, which
could be one of our fastest job creators, has been stunted while the government
has encouraged huge and powerful parastatals that have done little to enhance
employment.

We are convinced that left to their own devices, the South African business
community will not rise to the challenges that face us. The objective of our
policies is to create employment as our highest priority. While the democratic
state will maintain and develop the market, we envisage occasions when it will
be necessary for it to intervene where growth and development require such
intervention. Amongst these will be the employment of mechanisms of affirmative
action to redress the effects of past discrimination against Blacks, against
women, people in the rural areas and the physically disabled.

We would also like to create an agency to develop and coordinate economic
policy at all levels. A democratic government would participate in and encourage
tri-partite structures involving business, labour and the government in
cooperative efforts to formulate policy.

Public sector investment to provide basic needs and services to the people
will be another key area of state intervention. We think that such action could
create something in the region of 300,000 news jobs. We would also seek to
stimulate further growth and job creation by encouraging public investment in
social and economic infrastructure that spurs manufacturing and building a job
creation focus into all aspects of industrial policy.

Emphasis on labour intensive methods, maximisation of linkages between
manufacturing and infrastructural investment and the benefication of our
minerals would swiftly alleviate the rate of job loss while creating new jobs
for work seekers.

We would like to create a climate conducive to foreign investment through
stable, consistent and predictable policies. This will necessarily entail the
restructuring of public sector corporations to assist the reconstruction of the
economy.

The sad truth is that for decades the South African economy was run by a
minority for the benefit if that minority. Opportunities were deliberately
limited just as facilities were by law restricted to a few. Only a government
that derives its authority from the people can be trusted to redress this. We
have a plan, that includes a national public works programme, which will address
community needs and create jobs. By effecting immediate improvements in the
quality of the lives of our most disadvantaged in tandem with the creation of
employment, we are convinced that we will offer all South Africans a chance to
share in the wealth of this country and to contribute to its development and
improve their own lives.

To sum up, we want to get South Africa working! We will achieve this not by
imposing our will from above, but rather through consultation, engagement and a
continuing dialogue between government and the governed.

Our vision of a country made up of peoples of different colours and cultures
yet united in their diversity as one nation, has been the foundation of the
struggle waged by our people since the ANC was formed 82 years ago. After April
27th, when the people have spoken the challenge that will face us collectively
is to heal the deep wounds of the past and to reassure those who still have
apprehensions about the future. We firmly commit ourselves to the Constitutional
Principles agreed to at the multi- party negotiations. And that commitment will
not change whatever the majority we attain.

If the people of South Africa elect us to office, we firmly undertake that an
ANC government will strive for an open society in which vigourous debate is
encouraged through a free press and other media; in which equal status is
accorded to all languages, cultures and religious beliefs; in which women will
receive recognition as equals, deserving of the respect and the dignity
intrinsic to being human.

We realise that our country is in deep crisis. We recognise that the problems
that face us are immense. Yet we remain convinced that given the political will,
an environment of democracy, peace and stability, and the active participation
of all South Africans - women and men of all races and colours - we have the
capacity to build a better life for all.