From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa 1882-1964: Part One - Africans United under the Threat of Disenfranchisement 1935
Documents: Africans and Whites in Dialogue
DOCUMENTS 41a-41d. Views of Africans
DOCUMENT 41a. "The Race Problem." Article in The Guardian by R.V. Selope Thema, September 1922
In discussing South Africa's race problem, which to my mind has been wrongly termed the "Native or Black Problem," it is extremely difficult for those who are themselves actors in the drama to avoid the attitude of partisans and advocates. And yet I take it that the examination of this (to use General Smuts' words) "the gravest of our problems" is not in the nature of debate, but rather an earnest endeavour to seek the truth beneath a mass of assertion and opinion, of passion and distress. Consequently I trust that whatever difference may exist between the views of the European and the African, it will be rather in the nature of additional information than of contradiction. It cannot be denied that Europeans have so far failed to find the solution of this burning question through lack of information from this side of the colour line. But happily right-thinking men of both races have come to the realisation of the fact that the problem cannot be solved until both races have learned to cooperate in finding its solution. In consequence societies are being organised and formed in large centres, so as to enable the advanced members of both races to exchange views in the mutual discussion of the various phases of this complex problem.
In the past the two races tried to solve the problem by means of WAR, MURDER, SLAVERY and extermination, but these proved a complete failure, simply because the Bantu could not be exterminated and enslaved, and likewise the European could not be destroyed or be driven out of the country. Since then the two races have lived side by side for nearly three hundred years. And the days of the cannon and the assegai are gone, and I hope to return no more. But the race problem is still with us, and, with the advance of the Africans and the increase of European population, it has grown in magnitude and gravity, and has become more baffling than ever. Indeed, it seems to me that the advancement of the African makes it more complex.
It is well known that the European has really no objection against Africans so long as they remain a race of servants. What he dislikes is to see them becoming as free and as independent in means as himself. His spirit of domination makes it impossible for him to realise that other members of the human race are as entitled to freedom and to the enjoyment of the blessings of creation as himself. He wants to dominate and to be master of the destinies of other races. In consequence he cannot view the race problem, be it in India or Africa, from the standpoint of humanity, but from that of materialism. That is the reason why he has failed to find the solution of the problem. And as long as he continues to look at it from the point of view of POUNDS, SHILLINGS AND PENCE, there can be no hope of its solution. This is a human problem, which can only be solved by approaching if in the spirit of humanity. The right to live of every race of mankind is indisputable. This being so, each race of mankind has the right to work out its own destiny and live its own life without let or hindrance. This right can only be limited by the equal right of others. It is, therefore, necessary that before the European proceeds to solve the race problem in this country, he must first recognise that the African has the right to live and has a place in God's scheme of creation, that he was not created in the image of God to occupy a position of servitude in the affairs of mankind, but "to make his distinct contributions to the gathering achievement of the race."
But the average white man is not yet ready to take such a broad view of the race problem. Although the policy of repression has not only failed, but proved detrimental to the best interests of this country, he still believes that if "the Kaffir was kept in his proper place" everything would be all right. There are others again, and these are found among the advanced class of Europeans, who maintain that the solution of the problem would be found in segregation. They say; "Segregate the native so as to enable him to develop according to his own lines." But this policy cannot be successfully carried out today when the interests of both races are so interwoven, when there is no land in South Africa which is not occupied by Europeans, and when the industries of the country cannot be developed without native labour. This policy was possible perhaps when the two races first met at the Great Fish River, but today it is impossible, unless it is ready to recognise THE PRINCIPLE OP SELF DETERMINATION. But this principle means the division of the country into two parts to be controlled respectively by Europeans and Africans. That is to say, each race will have its own sovereign rights to manage its affairs in its portion of the country without interference from the other. That this is the segregation scheme which the segregationists do not advocate was shown by the way in which the land was demarcated by the Land Commission of 1913. The segregation they want is one which will make South Africa "a white man's land." Under the scheme Africans will be relegated to the barren and malarial parts of the country, to be crowded there like a flock of sheep, and only be allowed to come now and again into European areas to administer to the economic needs of the whites. The white man and his Parliament will have the sovereign right to rule over them without their consent and knowledge. To my mind, between this policy and that of repression there is no difference. If there is to be a segregation of the races let it be logical and fair in its application. It must not aim at keeping one race under the permanent control of the other. For I do not see how the Africans can develop along their own lines when they are kept under European hegemony. To develop along their own lines and evolve their own civilisation, they must not only have a place in the sun, but must have freedom of thought and action.
When I denounce this policy, I do not suggest for a moment that there should be INTERMIXTURE OF THE RACES in any shape or form. 1 should be the last to advocate inter-marriages between the races. I love my race and its colour, and I am just as proud of it as the European is of his. And when I say the African is determined to keep the purity of his race, if only he could secure the assistance of the State to protect his women- folk against the low-class white men, I am voicing the feeling of every sensible and intelligent African. While we do not wish to encroach upon the society of the whites, nevertheless we claim our rights of citizenship first as the aboriginals of this country, and second as British subjects; we claim equal opportunities and facilities for improvement;
we claim a voice in the government of our country and in the administration of moneys which we pay to the Treasury of the State; we claim the equal protection of the law with the other citizens of the State-in short we claim equal political rights with our fellow-subjects. Under democratic institutions it is only the interests of those who have the power of the ballot that are considered and safeguarded. And in my opinion no justice can be done to
the African until he has been equipped with this power. Today he is being rendered LANDLESS AND HOMELESS, taxed heavily and cruelly exploited, because he has no voice in the making of laws. Daily he is coming more and more to look upon the laws of the country not as protecting safeguards, but as sources of humiliation and oppression. The laws are made by men who as yet have little interest in him; they are executed and administered by men who have absolutely no desire to treat the black people with courtesy and consideration. Such is the position of the African under the "democratic" Government of the Union of South Africa. And I ask if the continuance of this state of affairs is in the best interests of the Country? There can be no doubt that the perpetuation of this system will only serve to aggravate the race bitterness and prejudice which now exist.
What is wanted is a policy which will promote MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING and cooperation between the races. The policy of "White South Africa" has naturally given rise on this side of the colour line to a cry of "Africa for the Africans." And as the result the two races are drifting apart. Unless a change is made now the coming generation will be separated by active hatred and hostility. Perhaps the European, relying on the superiority which his scientific knowledge has given him, and on his ability to kill eight millions of human beings in four years, feels his position secure and tenable, and therefore does not care; but we read in history of civilisations and empires that were destroyed by the very glory of their magnificence. Where are the civilisations and greatness of Egypt, of Babylonia, Rome and Greece today? They are no more. We only read of their magnificence in history. God is not a mockery: His eternal law is not a lie.
"Lo, all the pomp of yesterday Is one with Ninevah and Tyre."
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