Documents: Africans Acting Alone

DOCUMENT   49c-2. "Blood and Tears." Pamphlet by A.W.G. Champion, 1929 [Extracts] (Published in History of Durban Native Riots)

The author wishes to put on record in the second edition of this book that it is not because he wants to create ill-feeling between the natives and Europeans that he has published this book, nor because he wants to encourage the native to resist the constituted authority. Far from it. He has been persuaded to write this history by those who are familiar with the history of South Africa, which is full of misrepresentation. Right from Kings Tshaka, Dingaan and Chief Bambata, the native point of view has been misrepresented. Those who took part in Bambata's rebellion truly believe that, if the Natives who led the organisations then only did their duty and had the point of view of the Natives who had carried the armed protest the late Chief Dinizulu could not have been convicted for anything, and many of the Natives who were sentenced by the Native High Court would have been discharged. The damage that swept through the Natal and Zululand Native districts could not have taken place. At that time the leaders of the Native people in Natal were Ministers of Christian religion. They only prayed instead of getting up and doing some­thing practical. We have the lesson in the Five Shillings rebellion, when a number of Dutch­men led by General De Wet and Manie Maritz revolted against the Union Government. Their action was defended by men like our present Minister even in the House of Assembly. It was an armed protest--not rebellion--they said. The same applied to Bambata's rebellion, and there shall always be armed protests as long as the rulers that be are not prepared to respond to the genuine grievances of those who are governed. I know I was present during the Rand Revolution, when the workers of the Rand armed themselves and protested against not only the Mining Industry, but against the action of the Smuts Government. Men died and men were imprisoned. There was blood and tears such as was seen in Durban on the 14th, 17th and 18th June, 1929, when men were killed on both sides and others were imprisoned. We have the arresting pictures of two native workers who died, and their photos were taken after death in the Hospital. We have the other two pictures, one of the men who lost his eye and another who lost his leg. I have been accused by some Europeans of justifying this by calling it an armed protest. It was an armed protest and was used for warning both the employers and the Government that unless they were prepared to respond to the genuine grievances of the black workers there would be a repetition of these armed protests on a bigger scale.

Durban has too much reliance on heads of the Departments, who claim to know the mind of the Natives because of the fact that they were born and brought up amongst the Natives and speak their language fluently.

These officials believe that the proper way of controlling the Native is through their own Native Chiefs; that each Native who has a complaint must individually appeal personally to the head of the Department concerned. They discourage any attempt at collective bargaining by Natives.

Durban has the Joint Council of Europeans and Natives, which is officially recognised by the Town Council. This Council consists of equal numbers of Europeans and Natives. The election of the members is left entirely in the hands of the members of the Council themselves. They choose those whom they like from the public, and as such their membership is limited to a circle of friends, who invite each other whenever an opportunity occurs. This is not the position in Pietermaritzburg or Johannesburg. Natives have two organiza­tions--the Natal Native Congress and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union Yase Natal. These two are not represented in the Joint Council. These two are the only ones who hold public meetings with the Natives of Durban and peri-Durban.

Durban has reached the stage of Johannes­burg of 1919 and 1920, when the Native had lost every hope with white officials, and was losing confidence with many good things which were being organised by European friends.

This hopeless position was met by men like the late Mr. F. B. Bridgman, Mr. Howard Pirn, Rev. Winifred Parker and others, who, after obtaining the Rev. R. E. Phillips finally organised the Joint Council of Europeans and Natives, which, I believe, was suggested by the late Dr. K. Aggrey. This Joint Council con­sisted of the members representing different rival organisations--Native Congress, Teachers' Union, Ministers' Association, and Clerks' Association sent in their elected representa­tives, while the Joint Council invited men who belonged to no other organisations.

To listen to these rival leaders talking their own minds was educative and inspiring.

The slogan was co-operation between Europeans and Natives in the true sense, never mind who has sinned the most.

The writer represented the Transvaal Native Mine Clerks' Association, and actually took part in some of the mat memorable debates of 1921 up to 1925.

Ministers came forward with their case. Commercial men came forward, while the Professors of the Witwatersrand brought forward bombs, and the Natives, represented by their soap-box orators, ventilated their views without fear or favour.

The result was that from the frank discussion extremists on both sides began to appreciate each other's point of view, and loose talk on the Native platform diminished, as well as loose talk on the European side; in the Bench, pulpit, and the press it subsided, as all these had to be opposed by a group of men and women who met for one purpose only-- that of co-operation between white and black and eradication of colour prejudice.

The Government began to respect the voice of this mixed Union.

The danger that we see looming in Durban was evaded by men some of whom had encouraged hatred and despair between the two races. The office of the Locations Depart­ment in Johannesburg was the centre of all the storms. This office being similar to that of the Municipal Native Affairs Department, Durban, was controlled by a Zulu linguist, who ruled with a firm hand and had the absolute support of his Council always. It was not until there was a conflict between the white and black that the authorities began to see, and as the result of the recommendation his absolute powers were diminished.

The policy of strong will, which creates the feeling of oppression in the minds of those who are controlled, never succeeds. It always leads to bloodshed and tears such as we have seen in Durban on June 14, 17 and 18, 1929. You can oppress people for some time, but you cannot oppress them for ever without creating in them that feeling whose symptoms always lead to (he conflict between them and their rulers. The amendments of the Native Urban Areas Act, giving power to Local Authorities, will not help the situation. These are the means of oppression, which is bound to react. The increasing hatred between Natives in Durban and the Police Authorities will not diminish because they get more powers to arrest and convict, because the Native Affairs officials are to be crowned with absolute administrative powers. The Natives of Durban have now eyes to see and ears to hear.

Mr. Justice D. de Waal in his report says:--

"Mr. Champion, their leader, has failed in his laudable object he said he had in view, of bettering the conditions of the Native worker. Where he had much success, however, is in sowing the seeds of discontent in the minds of his fellow Natives less favoured than himself, and causing much friction between employer and Native employee and between the Borough Council and the Native."

During the inquiry, Mr. Cecil Cowley, cross-examining John Chester, Chief Clerk for Native Affairs, Borough of Durban, remarked:

"The Fact is that Natives have suffered under so many grievances that they have been forced to conclude that they cannot receive any attention from Municipal Department of
Native Affairs except harsh laws harshly administered. No sympathy or response to be obtained; a round dozen of laws and by-laws made by the Department have been declared ultra vires during the last twelve months.

The position in Durban is very peculiar. Here we have men whose qualifications to manage  Native Affairs Department are that they were born amongst the Natives and they can speak their language. It matters not whether they are not educated. These men have to be the means of communication between  the Europeans and Natives, and, in fact, help the Governing Bodies to legislate for the good of the Natives of the land. On these men rests the responsibility for the welfare of the Natives of this land in their varying degrees. To them alone the country for the lasting peace between the white black races in South Africa.
The fact is admitted, rightly or wrongly, me man in the person of Mr. A. W. G. Champion has succeeded in sowing the seeds content, and the question at once arises forcibly: Will harsh laws administered harshly destroy little plants of discontent which are fast growing to bear fruit? We have seen the bloodshed and tears in Durban. We see the Kaffir beer boycott which has cleaned dry the beer halls, not only in Durban, but is threatening the whole Province. We see the increase of the "Kill me quick drink" and the increasing bitterness between the general Native public and the police officers, particularly those of the Borough of Durban. Are the present officers capable of restoring confidence, which is admittedly lost, or are they not? If not, may one trust that the Government will not depend upon their advice, admittedly actuated by the spirit of defeat, but rather encourage the spirit of consultation by men whose personalities are beyond any doubt, who are not born and bred amongst Natives nor speak their tongue--may one say, of Dutch race, Afrikanders, whose attitude as far as Natal is concerned, has been one of square deal for everybody as against that of English rulers of keep all classes of Natives under the rule of their ignorant Chiefs.

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