The drive for
Unity in the working class and for the establishment ofa broad "People's
Front" to stop fascism and war, proclaimed
by the Seventh Congress of the Communist International as a panacea
for all ills in all countries, was bound eventually to reach South
Africa. Together with all the other Stalinist parties, the Communist
Party of South Africa, i.e.. the few officials left from the former
Party, received this important communication. And as thcy have to
carry out the instructions, no matter whether they are or are not
suitable or even possible, they tried to do their best, just as they
had done before wilh the separate "Red" Trade Unions. or
with the "Native Republics" as a step towards a Workers'
and Peasants' Republic.

A "braod" League against fascism and war was duly formed
- on paper, of course; and,when the Italo-Abyssinian War broke
out, a subsidiary organisation of this League sprang up with a
fine-sounding name: "Hands off Abyssinia Committee",
and with the usual principles of the hroad People's Front, that
is to say, without principles. Anybody and everybody was welcome,
from the Fabians to the Young Men's Christian Association, and
from the University Womens Association to the Society for the Prevention
of Cruelty to Animals. And as might be expected, the most prominent
place was given to the Churches. It is true that some of the Churches
did not make use of this golden opportunity to show their ardenl
desire for peace. Especially conspicuous was the absence of the
Roman Catholic representative, though we had been told by the Stalinists
that the hostility of the Catholic masses towards war is astounding,
and to-day more than ever. We presume that all the Churches and
denominations (are they not all for peace?) were invited. In spite,
however, of this broad mass (!) basis, and good advertising, the
People's Front did not prove a success. It may be argued that here
as everywhere else it accomplished its task, viz., to bring pressure
to bear upon the Government to fulfil its obligation to the League
of Nations and apply sanctions. As a matter of fact, the Hands
off Abyssinia Committee did send a wire to the Prime Minister to
this effect. But, since the Prime Minister stated that without
their reminder the Union of South Africa had already voluntarily
subscribed to all the League sanctions (including the payment of £150,000
to Italy, the annual shipping subsidy, paid with the approval of
the League of Nations), there was nothing left for the Hands off
Abyssinia Committee to do than to die peacefully with a clear conscience,
feeling that it had done everything possible for Abyssinia and
against Mussolini.

But the People's Front
idea has not died. It may seem that as a good article to have
in stock, it soon found imitations in all
comers, set up by every would-be leader. The cry for Unity was
always a strong card in the S .A. Labour movement, and was used
by every Labour politican and demagogue. But it had grown stale.
Here was something new. And during the last two months the so-called
Labour Press has been full of appeals for United Fronts and broad
People's Fronts against fascism and war. But it does not take long
to discover that they are the same old trash that is repeated every
week in the official organ of Stalinism, "The Inprecor".
And it does not take long to discover that the leaders are the
same old and young bureaucrats and demagogues, who used the Labour
movement as a source of income and now look upon it as a hunting
ground for fatter jobs; they are the same unscrupulous officials
who will go over to any party that promises a better job. Fusion
nowadays is so popular with the bureaucracies ofthe Second and
the Third Intemational everywhere, why not Fusion in South Africa?
And People's Fronts are so popular with those bureaucracies everywhere,
why not in South Africa? It is true that the fusion of two corpses,
such as the Stalinist Communist Party and the Labour Party, will
produce nothing but a bigger stink. But why worry?

The main thing
is thejob.

That old demagogue, E. Sacks, in a "statesmanlike" review
of the whole situation, makes a fiery appeal for (i) a United Front
of workers and poor farmers, and (ii) for a People's Front against
fascism and war, and (iii) for a United Trade Union movement ("Forward",
14.2.36). As a way out he makes the following suggestions: "Given
the necessary leadership, energy, courage, and determination, a
mighty United front of mine workers, railway workers, workers in
the secondary industries, civil servants, shop and office workers,
the landless and those struggling with a bit of land, the intellectuals
and lower middle class people, and all people who value the hard-earned
democratic rights, can be built up, both on the industrial and
political." (Our emphasis. Ed.) Then, after calling upon the
leaders of the Labour Party and the rest, to remember the solemn
duty resting upon them, he concludes with the question: Who will
take the lead?"

First of all, like every statesman in this country, he speaks
only of the white population, the white miners, the poor white
landless, etc. And then this Trade Union leader, who calls himself
a Marxist, who was once a member of the C.P., proposes a United
front of all the people of South Africa. If in the first part of
his proposition the big capitalists and mine-owners are not included,
they may still come into this mighty United front, according to
the second part. All people who value the democratic rights may
come in! And who but the Grey Shirts do not value the democratic
rights? Even General Smuts, even Abe Bailey value the democratic
rights.9

But "friend" Sacks is not very original. because two
or three months before his appeal, there was a similar appeal made
in the United States by the leader of the American Communist Party,
who went even further: "The new anti-fascist mass party of
toilers should also strive to include sections of'the sprouting
fascist orpartly fascist organisations and tendencies, such as
Company Unions, American Legion Posts, and groups of the Coughlin
and Huey Long movements", etc. (The Communist, Oct.
1935.)

Theappeal was,ofcourse,promptly
accepted by Henderson,Secretaryof the Labour Party, who agrees
that "something must be done
for the good of the people", and is prepared to take the lead!

He admits that he cannot promise a Utopia, but you must consider
the advantage of having "one political organisation entitled
to speak on behalf of the workers". And of course this organisation
will be the South African Labour Party with its programme of complete
segregation of black and white!

"In taking this step, the Labour Party wish it to be clearly understood
that there is no question of fraternising or pacts with any other
political party".

In other words, the Stalinists shall hand in an application for
affiliation in the Labour Party, as they have already done in Great
Britain? Otherwise, no People's Front, no lead for the workers?
Poor South Africa! It will have to remain without a People's Front,
in spite of the fraternisation of Weinberg with Burnside. For,
after all, the exclusion of the Bantu and Coloured could be done
once (at the inaugural meeting of the League against Fascism in
Cape Town), but a second time it might be too much even for the
well-drilled Stalinist corps.

The Labour Party is
dead. Even Ihc most prominent members of the Labour Party themselves
have admitted that the Parly is dead. It'
Mr. Sacks wants to resurrect the Labour Party, having in mind some
leadership, or - who knows? - a seat in Parliament for himself;
if the C.P. wants to resurrect the Labour Party in order to carry
out the instructions of the Comintern, for the sake of building
a United front or a "broad" People's front, the working
class in South Africa has no interest whatever in the resurrection
of the S.A. Labour Party. Let the sleeping dogs lie; let the dying
dogs die.

A party which has produccd only traitors to the working-class cause,
a party which has always been a place of refuge for adventurers
and job-hunters, a party which has lately become infected with
vermin, infected with fascism, to such a degree that the few old
die-hard supporters have had to leave it, a party which was always,
even at its best, based on racialism, on patriotism, on white chauvinism,
a party which supported the bourgeoisie against the workers, neglecting
working-class interests for the sake of the small aristocracy of
Labour, a party which put on its banner: "Keep the Kafir in
his place", has itself no place in the Labour movement to-day.
Not only on the question of war, but even on the question of fascism,
there can be no talk of United fronts with the so-called Labour
Party, for how can a party, which supports all anti-native (fascist)
legislation, fight againsl fascism? And how can a party which is
not a working-class party do the work of a true Labour Party?

There is no need to
argue that the Communist Party is dead. The thing is obvious.
Everyone knows it. The few leaders left are fighting
each other, and that makes a noise. But children learn at school
that it is the empty barrel that makes the noise, not the barrel
that is full of wine. The C.P. is pretending in order to he kept
going - not by its membership; it has almost no members - but by
the few intellectual lawyers and doctors, who have no need of theory,
Marxism, criticism, class struggle. They are satisfied with the
prestige of the Soviet Union, and flattered by the friendship or
the services of the Stalinist bureaucracy. When they can go to
Moscow for a trip - and they can afford to go - and are received
there in princely fashion, they lose their head completely and
are happy serving without asking questions. People's fronts are
the real place for these loose adherents. It gives them a chance
to call themselves revolutionaries, feeling sure that the Revolution
will not come in their time. "Let Socialism be built in the
Soviet Union and we will be satisfied with this shining example
and conversion by means of it". Yet they mean well. It is
not their fault that they are not Marxists. There is so little
time for reading and study!

United Fronts! This term is too much and too often abused and misunderstood.
A united front is not a remedy, a cure for everything under any
circumstances. For in the last instance a United front is only
a part of revolutionary tactics in a revolutionary situation. With
the exception of a united front for specific, strictly defined
issues, it serves no purpose to establish United fronts where no
revolutionary situation exists. Yet another condition is necessary
for a United front, namely, the presence of parties which have
a big following, which have the masses of the workers behind them.
But besides the fact that there is as yet no revolutionary situation
in South Africa, where are the parties which can claim to have
the masses of the workers behind them? The Communist Party? the
Labour Party? the Parmers and Workers Party? It is therefore ridiculous
to indulge in talk about marching separately and striking together,
as many of our demagogic revolutionaries in all quarters are doing,
including even some who claim to be followers of the Fourth International,

So, then, it is idle to talk of United fronts, for we have no
parties to form them. We have only shadows and corpses. Even more
foolish is it to talk of People's fronts, to fight the battles
against fascism and war, battles which only the working class can
fight out. None will do it for us; we ourselves must do it. But
for this a new Party is necessary. Not based on chauvinism like
the Labour Party; not based on the orders and ukases of a bureaucracy
which is concemed only with building Socialism in one country;
not based on fantastic dreams and appeals to morality andjustice
like the Lucas group. Not these, but a party based on the science
of Revolutionary Marxism, on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Trostky, a Party which representes the true interests of the
whole working class, with a clear revolutionary programme, corresponding
to the real national and intemational situation.

Only such a Party will be able to fight the decisive battle against
fascism and war, which means in the last instance the battle for
the Social Revolution.