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Resolutions of the South African Native Congress, April 10, 1906 [Extracts]
(Published in The Aborigines' Friend)

The Native Congress feels called upon to record its deep regret at the apparent
decline of British views in the treatment of the native question from those high
standards, which were once the pride and the crown, and the glory of British
statesmanship. Without going into all the causes which contributed to this condition,
Congress feels that the attitude of the late Imperial Government in relaxing those
bonds which bind the native and coloured races to the Imperial Government has
contributed materially towards the regrettable conditions in which native affairs are
placed at the present time in the several South African colonies, and especially in
Natal and the Transvaal. The tendency in the colonies has latterly been in the
direction of eliminating the prerogative of veto which is a repository of the Crown,
and which has an important bearing in the relations of the native races to the British
Government. As this Imperial factor is the only moderating influence between the
races, so sharply divided as they are in South Africa by different causes, they view
with extreme gravity any relaxation on the part of the British Government of this all-vital principle.

Congress desires to impress upon the Home Government, and especially upon the
present Ministry, the obligation of surrendering nothing of vital importance to the
natives to the prevalent cry of 'no interference' on the part of the capitalistic Press,
which dominates the situation in South Africa and claims to voice public opinion.
Congress also feels called upon to express the opinion, with much regret, that
responsible government has been prematurely granted to the colonies, considering
the very low moral tone of the average colonist in regard to native treatment and
their feeling and demeanor towards the native races. It is also regrettable to observe
that the moral influence of the Church appears to have declined in its power to
counteract these degrading tendencies or to raise the standard of thought and feeling
towards the aborigines.

Much has been made of the outcry of Ethiopianism, and all sorts of charges have
been laid at the door of this new feature, interjected into the relations of the people
of the country by designing minds and an alarmist Press, which works upon the
superstitious feelings of the community and adversely agitates the public mind, to
the detriment of sober judgment in the governments of the colonies in dealing with
large masses of natives in South Africa. The whole outcry is intangible, and those
who make these charges upon which a verdict could be based have produced no
satisfactory evidence, which would justify the conclusion that the natives, or any
section of them, are disloyal or meditating mischief against the supreme authority.

Much has also been made of the numerical preponderance of the natives of this
country, with the sinister object of agitating the public mind and keeping it in a
condition of perpetual ferment, and Congress observes with regret that several
colonial politicians, ministers of religion, and public speakers, have sought, at various
times, to impress upon British statesmen and the Imperial authorities the need of
unity among the white races in order to present a solid front against the imaginary
bogey of a colossal native combination to oust the whites from South Africa.
Congress feels that the effect of the spread of such views is to intensify suspicion,
and unsettle the public mind, and to widen the relations between the races. Its
effects are apparent to some extent in the regrettable Natal crisis where the "Ixopo
farmers" have appeared to be most vindictive in demanding that mercy should not be
shown to the unfortunate victims of this deplorable state of public feeling.

Congress states emphatically its opinion that if there is any disloyalty in the country
it should be placed at the door of those who agitate the public mind in this manner.

Congress believes that Ethiopianism is a symptom of progress, brought about by the
contact of the natives of Africa with European civilisation making it felt in all
departments of the social, religious, and economic structure. The natives of the
South African colonies are loyal to the Imperial factor and the Crown, and the official
statements of Blue books and reports of Departments of Native Affairs verify this.

With reference to the recent crisis in Natal, Congress desires to place on record its
opinion that the imposition of taxation without representation is a crime, that to that
cause must be traced the origin of the disturbances which led up to the unfortunate
death of Inspector Hunt and Trooper Armstrong in Natal and the natives who were
subsequently executed.

With regard to the execution of the natives under martial law, Congress desires to
ascertain from the Secretary of State for the Colonies:

(a) Whether the execution of
the twelve natives sentenced to death under martial law in Natal, having been
postponed beyond the date fixed originally, is legal;

(b) Whether martial law can be
proclaimed where a state of war does not exist without a previous ultimatum and
declaration of hostilities.

If martial law can be proclaimed, arbitrarily, to any portion of the country, the
unsettlement of the native mind must be increased, and all sense of security and
confidence in the government of the native races destroyed. The general feeling of
the native races is that the proclamation of martial law in Natal was arbitrary and
unnecessary, as Natal has a police force, which was sufficient to deal with slight
disturbance at Richmond in its initial stages. The execution of these men before their
relatives and friends, Congress considers, was a tactical mistake, which has left a bad
impression on the native mind generally. The employment of undisciplined native
forces to quell native disturbances is regarded as reprehensible on the part of a
professedly civilized and Christian government.

Congress considers that, if the government of the natives and coloured races in the
colonies is to continue on the pernicious and retrogressive lines advocated by Natal
and the Transvaal as well as by extremists in the other colonies, it would be
preferable for the natives to be taken over by the Crown and be governed from
Downing Street through a Department of Native Affairs in the Home Government.

Source:

Karis, T & Carter G. M. (1972). From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964, Volume 1: Protest and Hope, 1882-1934. Stanford University: Hanover Press.

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