This meeting roused a considerable amount of interest because in a certain sense it was seen as a succession of the Prime Minister's speech in the Senate on October 23, 1974. Expectations were not disappointed because apart from a few general comments on everyday political events, Mr. Vorster referred explicitly to certain major concerns. Amongst these we have the place the Republic occupies in world politics in the light of the double standards which are continuously being applied. In addition Mr. Vorster referred to events in Mozambique, to the debate in the Security Council, to South Africa's relations with Africa and African countries and to the situation of Rhodesia and South West Africa. The Prime Minister once more drew attention to the fact that we are part of Africa and that we have the same right to be in Africa as any other nation in Africa.

Mr. Chairman, colleagues in the House of Assembly and the Provincial Council, members of the committee of this constituency, ladies and gentlemen.

With the year coming to an end, I am glad that Mr. Visagie and I can once again report to you, he as member of the Provincial Council and I as member of the House of Assembly. We have heard Mr.Visagie's report and I wish to congratulate him on being able to report progress in this constituency for yet another year. I not only wish to congratulate him with the progress which he can report once more, but I want to thank him for the way in which he has done his work — and a great part of mine-in this constituency. I owe him many thanks for that and I am convinced that you feel the same way about it. You are truly well represented in the Provincial Council.

Now I have the opportunity to say thank you in the first place to the children who have welcomed me in the way which is tradition with us, by forming a guard of honour. I would like to say to the children that I trust - and am convinced - that they will be very successful in the coming examinations. I thank you very much, for taking the trouble of coming to this report-back meeting tonight. Since this is my first appearance in the constituency and since I could not be here on the night that the votes were counted, I also wish to express my sincere appreciation not only for the trust you put in me by electing me once again, but for the proud way in which you did it. As was already mentioned by Mr. Visagie, by electing me with the highest number of votes ever polled by a candidate in tills election. 1 I want to assure you that I appreciate it very much and I want to assure you that it has strengthened me tremendously in the difficult task I have to perform. The knowledge that you are trusted by your people, the knowledge that your people are giving you their support by committing you in prayer, enables you to fulfil your task and I thank you sincerely. For many years I have had the privilege of representing you in the House of Assembly; the average term of a member is 7 years, mine is already three times as long and I am still thankful that my path came through Nigel. 2

We meet on this occasion knowing full well that the world in which we live is forever changing; that in this world events follow one another rapidly; that it is a world of accumulating troubles. On my way here tonight I heard in a news report that the Secretary General of the United Nations Organisation said at a congress today that the most important business the world has to attend to at present, is the effort of feeding the world's masses. Of giving food to the people who have none. What surprises me is that while the Secretary General of the UNO values this matter so highly, and he is right to value it so highly, he and his organisation can still waste so much Him cussing South Africa's concerns, which should not even be d there. I really think that the world is sick and tired of hearing how bad South Africa is. I think the world wants to hear for a change how good the UNO is at solving the world's troubles and its problems.

I say we meet under these circumstances tonight and like my friend here who came to tell you of a sound budget, I can also report to you on a sound budget presented by the Honourable Minister of Finance. A budget which provides ample for all necessities, more ample than in previous years, without requiring of you to pay higher taxes. I am thankful that I can appear before you here tonight and that I can tell you with the fullest conviction that if we look around us at the world, we cannot but be grateful to be living in South Africa, a country where law and order reigns and in which the people. White and Black, have almost the highest standard of living in the world. A country which, thank God, cannot only now, but will in the predictable future be able to feed its people out of its own resources. A country which, thank God, if you look at the world's escalating unemployment, can give its people the ensurance of employment. A country which offers a future for all South Africa's peoples. This is the country I can report on to you tonight. And right at the beginning I want to tell you that while I have professed on other occasions in the past that I am not a person who stands in the company of those who say that it is a quarter to twelve, I am definitely a person who believes that it is half an hour to daybreak for South Africa. It is often very dark half an hour before daybreak and it can even be the darkest hour, but one does not mind that, because one knows that daybreak is due in half an hour and nothing can prevent it. And I have said on certain occasions that I am carefully optimistic about the future. I do not have a single reason tonight to deviate from that theme; on the contrary, I want to tell you tonight that I am willing to delete the "carefully" in front of the optimistic, be­cause of the message which I want to bring to you at this meeting to­night, and I want to tell you straight away that I take no notice of what people write in Sunday papers. It does not matter to me what de­cisions are made there or what comment is written there. I am telling you tonight that I believe, and I have reason to believe, that a bright future awaits South Africa. And tonight I want to tell you that the message which I bring you tonight is not only an exciting one, and as interesting a one as the world has even seen, but it is a message of trust and of hope which I bring you here tonight, it is a message of expecta­tion which I want to lay in your midst. It is in this spirit that I wish to report to you.

We have just returned from an extremely interesting but inevitably also a tiring session of Parliament. The fifth Parliament brought many new members to Parliament, probably the greatest number of new members which has ever come to Parliament after an election. 3 Among them there are able and experienced young persons, people who can offer South Africa many years of profitable parliamentary service. I noticed that there are such parliamentarians in all the different political parties which came to the polls and I am glad that this is the case, because as a parliamentarian I know that that spells a good future for South Africa. And then my friends, people came to Parliament, some of whom are not incompetent, but by far not as competent as they consider themselves to be. They are people who probably asked them­selves, before stepping into the lobbey, how Parliament could possibly have coped so long without them. And do you know, it was interesting to study them: they went home much smaller than when they came. It is a good thing that this happens and next year you are even smaller, and eventually, as a parliamentarian you are really trimmed to size. And I can readily see that happening to certain gentlemen who came to Parliament.

There is the Progressive Party that believed that he had won the election and who then discovered to his disappointment, or rather to her disappointment, that it was not so. 4 And to you who are interested in politics, I give my opinion for what it may be worth. The effective leader of the Progressive Party, I think, is somewhat disappointed in the six chickens who came to Parliament with her, 5 for the simple reason, as I see it, that they say the same things she says, but that she says them better and now they share the limelight which she enjoyed alone for thirteen years. It is difficult to shed old habits. Then there is the United Party, a party which had to endure immense tension throughout the session and I want to tell you tonight the cracks in that Party were audible. From where I sat, I could hear opposite me the cracking of continuous tension described by some as personal clashes, but which was actually differences of principle. And if I should read the papers — tonight's paper - then it appears that the strife will continue at the Cape Congress. Apart from being curious, I cannot be bothered with what happens there. I think South Africa is gradualy tiring of this type of thing. In the times we are living in, I think nobody really values this matter or pays it much attention.

But as Leader of the National Party I am glad to report that during the eight years that it has been my privilege to hold this position, I have never been as satisfied and proud of the spirit and the performance of the National Party as in this particular election. 6 And I want to put it to you that whereas there were recurrent prophecies and rumours in certain newspapers of a rift believed to exist in the National Party to­day, of differences concerning principles, it is just a repetition of the old story: you heard from me as years passed and you saw as the years passed that every time they say we have a crisis in our ranks, they themselves split. And you experienced it again during the past election. I can tell you frankly - and if it was not so I would have told you - that any person, no matter who he might be, who comes to you with the rumour that there is strife in the National Party, is speaking either out of malice or out of ignorance, but whichever the case may be, it is folly to make any such claims. I am glad to be able to tell you, and my friend, Frans Ie Roux, will be able to confirm this here, that this party is uniting forces as no political party has ever done in South Africa. The National Party has never been as inspired as at present to fulfill its task.

But I actually want to use this report-back meeting to discuss certain cardinal matters with you, and I also want to avail myself of the opportunity to put right a few matters which I believe should be put right. You are aware, as you are gathered here tonight, that for decades South Africa has been implicated in world politics. You are aware that a vendetta with double standards has been going on against South Africa for decades and you are aware that prejudice against South Africa has never been sharper than during the past year, more especially during the past few months. In this connection I want to address a few words to you on the events in Mozambique, on the debate in the Security Council, on South Africa's relations with Africa and countries in Africa, and on the position in Rhodesia and South West Africa. Much has been written lately concerning these matters which I have mentioned to you and much has been said. As it happens these are subjects I incidentally know something about and on the strength of my office, I believe that I know more about them than the average person and, highly improbable as it may seem to them, I know even more than certain political commentators.

I want to put it to you quite emphatically that world politics are such at present - and you simply have to accept the fact - that un­less one has acquired the relevant knowledge by virtue of one's office, one can never know and will never know of everything that is hap­pening in the world. This is the way modern diplomacy is run and it is evident that there are delicate matters which cannot be discussed now, which cannot be written on now, which cannot be made known now; but I want to assure you that as matters develop in future, certain matters will become clearer to you than they probably are at present. I am willing to agree that one can speculate intelligently on many of these matters. Sometimes one can even make the correct deductions from events, but I smile when I see many of the reports, when I read some of the speculations made by certain political commentators who are cock­sure of their "facts" which I know do not exist. And, because of this, because it is practically impossible for anyone to do so, who does not dispose of the facts, I want to appeal to everyone who writes - whether it be in English or Afrikaans - to everyone who speaks, to observe South Africa's interests when writing and speaking. And I want to assure you tonight that I have every good reason for making this friendly appeal at this stage. And I want to make it clear that I am not asking it for myself or for the National Party; I ask it for South Africa, because it is South Africa's highest interests that have to be served at present. I appreciate it, and the people of South Africa will appreciate it, it this appeal is heeded. Of course there will always be those who will write certain things out of malice as I have once again noticed during the past week. I want to appeal to them too. And I wonder if they will comply if I tell them this: Give South Africa six months - I ask no more than that - give South Africa six months and do not make the road ahead more complicated than it already is. And if you give South Africa this chance, you will be surprised to see where South Africa stand then. But I am thankful that I can also say tonight: even if you refuse to give South Africa that chance, you will still be surprised to see where South Africa stands in six and in twelve months' time.

You all know the history and the circumstances which have led to the changes in Mozambique. 7 I do not wish to discuss them. You know them as well as I do. You are also aware that as early as July this year both Mr. lan Smith of Rhodesia and I adopted a policy of non-interference in Mozambique's affairs. All we ask, and all we have the right to ask, is that there will be a good and stable administration. And furthermore, South Africa naturally adopted the stand that certain agreements existing between South Africa and Mozambique be honoured, because it is in South Africa's interest that the ports of Beira and Lourenco Marques should stay open and that the rail should carry the normal transport. It is in the interest of South Africa that we honour the labour agreement with Mozambique, it is in the interest of South Africa that the hydro-electricity developed at Caborra-Bassa be re­layed to South Africa. I am happy that we were assured on these matters and I am glad that I can say tonight that in spite of difficult circumstances as you may well imagine, these agreements are being kept more or less faithfully. And if this is done in future then I predict a good relationship between South Africa and Mozambique. Indeed, it is in the interest of Mozambique irrespective of who governs the country, that she should have sound relations with South Africa, because the income the ports of Mozambique attract, the income and the labour opportunity the Mozambique agreements offers the Blacks of that country and the income gained by selling electricity to South Africa, will determine whether the new Mozambique is viable or not: Mozambique is virutally 80% dependent on South Africa in that respect. And therefore it is in the interest of both Mozambique and South Africa that there should be co-operation. And in this respect you as my constituents have the right to ask me: Yes, be that as it may, but what are the possibilities that Mozambique may be used as a base by people who wish to attack and sabotage South Africa? In this matter also I asked for assurance and obtained it, but I also made it clear to the world what stand South Africa takes and will take in this respect. A few weeks ago, in September, I had an interview with a journalist of News Week and he asked me that very same question and I am grateful that he asked me that question. Because that gave me the opportunity to put South Africa's case, not only to the powers that be in Mozambique, and the people of Mozambique but to put South Africa's case to the wide world outside. The question which this particular gentleman, Mr. Younghusband, put to me was this: On the other hand it is speculated that once fully independent a Black Government in Mozambique might make its territory available to guerrilla forces as base for direct attacks against South Africa. What do you say to that? And my answer, as reported was the following: Well, I would like to think that that will not happen, but if it does, it will naturally lead to a head-on collision between ourselves and Mozambique. I hope that they will not allow their territory to be used for terrorists action against us, but if it is so used then naturally the whole world will understand that South Africa has no option but to defend herself to the utmost of her power and strength. I then went on to say: But you can rest assured that we will not start anything. Whatever we do, will only be in self-defence. And seeing that there is still speculation about this in certain quarters, let me spell it out again. South Africa's attitude is simply that we will not interfere and we do not interfere in any other country's internal affairs, that we from our side will not start anything at all as far as our neighbours are concerned. However let there be no misunderstanding about it: South Africa will finish whatever is started by somebody outside South Africa against South Africa. And I think it is well that we speak openly and that we speak plainly about this so that there can be no misunder­standing. But with the knowledge I have at this moment I want to repeat: I do not foresee anything of this kind happening because I think that South Africa's position and South Africa's stand in this regard are appreciated and therefore I want to accept that things will go on normally as in the past.

Then I wish to refer to the UNO debate, that is the debate in the Security Council which treated South Africa's membership. I want to underline again what I have repeatedly said before: South Africa will stay on as a member of the UNO firstly as long as it is in our interest to be there — and at this stage it is in our interest to be there, and in the second place, as long as it is compatible with our self-esteem. These are the two conditions which we have applied through the years to our membership of that organisation. Of course there were those countries who did their best to hound us out of the United Nations Organisation. One such nation was Australia, and let me add: they did not hurt us by adopting that particular stand, they rendered a disservice to their own country and their own people by doing so. And I am pleased to know that the Australian Government in this particular instance did not speak on behalf of the majority of the Australian people. I have no doubt that the time will come when the true voice of the people of Australia will be heard again. I am aware of the fact that the United States of America, France and Britain exercise the veto in South Africa's favour not because they condone or subscribe to our policies but because they are in principle opposed to the ousting of member states and fearful of creating such a precedent. Nevertheless, for whatever reason they exercise the veto in South Africa's favour, I want to thank those three countries publicly in my constituency tonight. And I want to say to them that their gesture in this regard is appreciated not only by the Government but also by the peoples of South Africa. And whilst on the subject of the United Nations Organisation, allow me to state unequivocally, let me state again that we can never accept that the United Nations Organisation is a super parliament with the right to legislate for countries or for member states. If South Africa is required to accept that, then I say here and now that South Africa will never be prepared to accept that.

Next I come to South Africa's relationship with Africa and the countries in Africa. You must have wondered, as I have wondered, whether we did not adopt the wrong viewpoint in the past when we considered ourselves as coming from Europe, but at the same time as belonging to Africa. After obtaining this office, I have medidated very seriously about this question and tonight I do not have the slightest doubt about it. There is no other viewpoint one could possibly adopt. I wish to state quite clearly that we, who are sitting here, and who are living here in South Africa, are of Africa in the same degree as any other nation in Africa. Africa has been our cradle and our grave will be in Africa. We shall live here, we shall work here; which is why I repeated this point of view in the Senate 8 and made it known unambiguously that we definitely have the right to say that we belong as much to Africa as any other country in Africa. I stated quite explicitly that we are not in Africa by virtue of somebody's benevolence, but by virtue of our own right.

It must be understood and every person who writes about South Africa and who wishes to analyse the position of South Africans in this regard must kindly accept that we are not temporary sojourners in Africa. We have a right to be here. We are not imperialists and we are not colonialists. Small as we were and poor as we were, we were the first African country to take up a stand, first against Dutch colonialism and later against British imperialism. Our whole history stands as proof of that and it is not necessary for anybody to preach to us in this regard. The first Republics came into being in 1795 in Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet when the people of this country first rebelled against Dutch colonialism. In this regard I want to refer to a lengthy article which appeared in the Financial Times in London on Wednesday the 30th October, 1974, in which a certain lady, Bridget Bloom, commented on my Senate speech, where I availed myself of the opportunity to speak to Africa. Unfortunately it is commentators like this particular good lady who do not appreciate the position in South Africa, who are blind to the realities of South Africa, and who do not know the bare facts of political life in South Africa, who make it extremely difficult for South Africa to put across her case. This is what the lady wrote in this regard: "There is absolutely no indication that Mr. Vorster, any of his Ministers or any of their white constituents are prepared to give up apartheid and to allow black majority rule in South Africa." You see now that apartheid is now equated with the refusal to allow Black majority rule in South Africa and the whites - you as constituents and I as a member of the Government - are now accursed that we are not prepared to allow Black majority rule in South Africa. Let me once and for all put the record straight, for the benefit of this good lady. There will be Black majority rule in the Transkei which is on the point of becoming inde­pendent, there will be Black majority rule for all Zulus in KwaZulu, there will be Black majority rule for all blacks in Bophuthatswana, in Lebowa, in Venda, in the Ciskei, in Qwaqwa and in Gazankulu but in White South Africa it is the Whites who will rule South Africa and there will be no Black majority rule there. Black people have the right to elect their representatives: black people have the right to rule themselves in their homelands. Black people have the right to become independent. Nobody stands in their way in this regard. But ladies and gentlemen, the Whites and the Coloureds and the Indians will remain in the rest of South Africa and they will find a modus vivendi in that which South Africa, make no mistake about it. But if the world, if the world expects, as this lady does, that there should be black majority n our part of South Africa, I say that will never come.

It is our right, it is our right to govern ourselves. We do not begrudge the Xhosa in the Transkei the right of self-government. We do not begrudge the Zulu the right of self-government in KwaZulu, we grant that every Black has the right of self-government in his homeland. But the world blames us in South Africa because a Zulu is a Zulu and a Xhosa is a Xhosa, while it is not a crime for the Dutch to be Dutch, or a Briton a Briton, or a Frenchman to be a Frenchman. Once again i see that double standards are applied to South Africa. On that one occasion in the Senate I chose the fact, as I saw it, that Africa, and therefore Southern Africa as well, stands at the crossroads. The time has come for Southern Africa to choose and Africa must choose as well between peace on the one hand and escalation of violence on the other hand; between progress and destruction; and between development and stagnation. In my speech in the Senate I, as your representative, not only committed my government, but I also committed myself to strive for peace, co-operation, progress and development in Southern Africa and Africa. Africa needs this, and, because Africa has been good to us, we are prepared to make our contribution towards peace, co-operation, progress and development. I should like to add that we have already made a considerable contribution in this respect.

Therefore I have no hesitation in standing here tonight to tell you that as a responsible person and leader I shall work towards peace and progress, towards co-operation and development in Africa. I know that there are other people who disagree, believing that one should not strive for peace, but for war. I know those people: when war erupts, they will not be in sight. I would rather tell you what my viewpoint is. I want to do everything possible and I shall do everything possible to ensure peace and progress. What is more, I believe that it can be done. I am more than hopeful that it can be done. But if I fail, if I fail then I shall be frank and I shall come to you and tell you that I have failed and I am realistic enough to know that there are many things a man may strive for, especially in this exacting and inconstant world we live in, that may not succeed. I keep that in mind, but in spite of the fact that I keep that in mind I still tell you that I bring you a message of trust and a message of hope. But furthermore, I am working towards peace and develop­ment and if those are not obtained, if they are rejected, and the day should come that South Africa actually comes under fire, then I as responsible man will want to tell the people of South Africa, and es­pecially her youth, that I have done everything possible to prevent it. And I am very thankful for one thing when I said this in the Senate, for one thing which was written by a certain political commentator who said: "When the Prime Minister of South Africa made this appeal, he did not make it in weakness, he made it on the strength of South Africa's economy, on the strength of the morale of South Africa's people, on the strength of South Africa's military force." I shall strive for peace, co­operation, progress and development in Africa, because South Africa is part of Africa. In the Senate I turned to Africa and I am glad that I did. Tonight I should like to thank states like Zambia and others who re­acted. Naturally I am not going to agree with everything that is said, I am not going to agree with everything that will be said in future, but what I find meaningful is that I made an appeal for peace and progress and that appeal did not fall on deaf ears. More meaningful is the fact that President Kaunda reacted to it at a ceremony where he was awarded an honorary degree by his University. It is significant that I spoke on the Wednesday and that he reacted to my statement on the Saturday. I saw that reaction, as well as the reaction that came from the rest of Africa in public or otherwise, as a sign of goodwill, and until the opposite is proved, I accept it as a sign of goodwill. As I believe one can deduce from that that Africa wants to give itself a chance, I want to declare here tonight that White South Africa will be willing to co­operate with Africa in that respect, on a basis of goodwill, harmony and equal footing. We can co-operate as states of the continent of Africa. I believe that in this respect I am also speaking on behalf of the states which must still come into being in South Africa in the homelands. I have reason to believe, as I stand before you here tonight, that a new dispensation is coming in Africa and I believe that when that dispensa­tion comes, it will bring Africa and Southern Africa good only. You will remember that when I spoke last year on the Opposition's view­point of "sharing of political power in South Africa", I adopted the stand that I do not believe in divided power. And tonight I have even less belief in it than I have ever had before. For that reason I reject the United Party. When they stated their viewpoint of "sharing power", I could not visualise it for Southern Africa. For Southern Africa I visualise the realisation of independent black states and the realisation in Southern Africa of a variety of politically independent states who have to co-operate closely on the economic front. On that occasion I spoke of an economic power bloc which is developing here in Southern Africa, because whether we like it or not, the world is busy dividing itself into blocs. Because transport is becoming increasingly expensive and products are becoming scarcer, the world is discovering that people want to buy from the nearest and the cheapest market. And that is why states and countries and nations are forming blocs and they will do so more and more in future. When I mentioned this, the Opposition naturally remarked that I did not know what I was talking about. That I was building castles in the air and that it would not happen. I want to tell you that you will see it realised.

Africa will accept the realities of the times we are living in and South Africa will join Africa in accepting them and that is why I am optimistic about the future not only of Africa, but of Southern Africa as well. For that reason I want to tell the young people who are here tonight, and I want to tell the old people, not to fear for the future of South Africa. As I said. South Africa will be ready to play her part and to make her contribution in Africa.

As far as Rhodesia is concerned much has also been said and written lately. And one of the allegations made against me in various articles which I have read on the subject, is that I am giving Rhodesia orders and telling the country how to handle her affairs. Now if you look at tonight's Star, then you will see a photo of Mr. lan Smith on the front page and a heading which reads: "Smith speaks on new era, Vorster not putting heat on Rhodesians." I hope and trust that this will be the last mention made of this matter, because I am tired of pointing out that it has never been South Africa's policy to prescribe to Rhodesia or to turn her arm. One thing is true, and that is that South Africa and Rhodesia are talking to one another. One thing is true, and that is that we give one another advice, and what is true, is that we take a thorough look at present realities from time to time. Rhodesia is just as much part of Africa as we are. Her house and her hearth are in Africa. I am fully aware that Mr. Smith's Government and the Rhodesians are just as eager as anybody else that an honourable and acceptable settlement should be reached, and that this matter is given highest priority. I want to make it quite clear here tonight. Rhodesia is not a subordinate of South Africa. She neither receives nor takes any orders from South Africa: the Rhodesian Government makes its own decisions. As I have said, contact exists, talks take place, advice is given, but we never prescribe. Concerning the police stationed on the Zambezi to guard the border there, the following: Some years ago I took the responsibility of sending police to Rhodesia. I wish to emphasize that it is not the armed forces who are there, but the police. They did not go to Rhodesia to guard Rhodesia and keep it safe; they went there to fight the terrorists who are on their way to South Africa; on the Zambezi instead of on the Limpopo. Through the years the British Government has asked the question: "How long will the South African Police stay there?" and through the years my answer has always been, "As long as terrorists are a threat to South Africa." The police are there to safeguard South Africa's interests and not those of other people. And we made our position very clear namely that as soon as the terrorist threat no longer exists, it will no longer be necessary for the South African Police to be there. Therefore I hope and trust that this matter will be accepted as it stands. South Africa does not want her people to be so far away one day longer than is actually necessary. South Africa greatly appreciates what her youth are doing in this connection and South Africa wants to see to it that they are reunited with their families as soon as possible. South Africa trusts that this will become possible.

Furthermore there has been a lot of writing and a lot of speculation about South West Africa. It is necessary to touch upon it again in passing that this Government and the Governments before it have never ignored the fact that South West Africa has an international character. On the contrary, we made that extremely clear in the documents laid before the Court in the 1966 case when the verdict favoured South Africa. South Africa has never adopted the attitude that she wants South West Africa's land for her own or that she wants to pocket its riches herself. South Africa has always subscribed to the viewpoint that South West Africa is inhabited by different nations who live in different parts of the territory. And it was not South Africa who placed the Okavango where they live today, nor did she place the other nations where they live today. They were placed like that before the Germans occupied South West Africa and long before South West Africa was entrusted to South Africa after the First World War. I say, South Africa has never adopted the stand that she wanted to grab South West Africa's

land or its riches, but we were entrusted with the administration of South West Africa. We have a responsibility, we have a responsibility towards every individual and towards every nation there and South Africa will honour that responsibility. South Africa's policy, as everybody knows, is: to allow the nations of South West Africa to experience administration, to experience self-government and the reason for them the relevant experience is to prepare them along those lines, To make it possible for them to decide their own future. I want to spell it out again tonight. It is not the task and function of the Government of South Africa to decide upon the future of South West and to prescribe to them. But neither will South Africa allow any outsider, country, person or organisation to do so in South West Africa. And I do not find it unreasonable to tell the world that we ask them to do what we are pre­pared to do ourselves, that is, to stand aside, to give those people the opportunity to decide their own future, to work out their own salvation and to seek their own self-determination. We did that along different channels. You are probably well aware of the fact that the governing party, the National Party of South West Africa, has decided lately that they also want to take part in this initiative to communicate with the various nations in order to discuss the future of the nations of South West Africa. 9 Any individual is free to found a political party and to organise that party's affairs. The Ovambo took the lead in the respect by telling expatriates that they could come back to participate in the election in Ovambo, but they had to come in peace and without the accompaniment of blackmail or violence. For while we, and I want to make this very clear, while we want to give South West Africa the fullest opportunity to decide her own future we will tolerate blackmail or violence in that territory as long as we are responsible for South West Africa, a responsibility which was called a "sacred trust" when it was given us. As long as we are responsible for it, order will have to be maintained in that territory, for where there is no order, no development is possible, and that is South Africa's only condition in this respect. And on this occasion tonight I want to appeal to the world once more: Give the people of South West Africa a chance so that the different nations can work out a future for themselves, allow them the opportunity to work out their own salvation, leave them the prospect of self-determination until they have had enough experience to exercise it. And I believe that what I am saying here tonight has the approval of every individual and every nation who wish South West Africa well.

To conclude, in the course of the Session it once again became evident that the main difference between the National Party and the United Party lies in the fact that it is pre-eminently the National Party which tells the Whites of South Africa that they have a right to an own identity under all circumstances. It is the National Party which tells the people that the conservation of political power and authority over oneself is the individual's right at all times, and that, ladies and gentlemen, does not mean hostility, disregard or appression of any other person. On the contrary, as the policy of the National Party evolves - and this was predicted by Dr. Verwoerd in his day - as the policy evolves and as the emphasis shifts to differentiation, discrimination will disappear. That was the prophetic vision of Dr. Verwoerd in his day. What is happening now is that the multiracial policy of South Africa is increasingly coming to the foreground. Races that are dis­tinguishable, between whom one can differentiate, but races who help and support one another, who honour and respect one another and who do not interfere with one another's domestic affairs — that is how I see South Africa's future. That is the road along which the National Party is leading you; that is why I thank you as your representative and leader of the Party for the understanding you have shown in this respect and for the trust you have put in the National Party and its leaders.

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1 Mr. Vorster polled the greatest number of votes in the General Election of April 1974, viz. 8 10

2. Mr. Vorster was elected Member of the House of Assembly for Nigel on April 15, 1953 and has represented that constituency ever since.

3 More than a quarter of the Members of the House of Assembly who attended the opening of the new Parliament on August a, 1974, were newcomers. Of the 44 new members 25 represent the National Party, 14 the United Party and 5 the Progressive Party. Cf. Dit Volksblod, 26.4.1974.

4 This refers to Mrs. Helen Suzman, MP for Houghton, who has been trying all along to create the impression that she is the effective leader of the Progressive Party, instead of Mr. Colin Eglin, MP for Sea Point. For 13 years Mrs. Suzman was the only member of the Progressive Party in the House of Assembly.

5 The Progressive Party won 6 seats from the United Party, i.e. Johannesburg North (Mr. Gordon Waddell); Orange Grove (Mr. R.J. Lorimer); Parktown (Mr. R. M. de Villiers);

Sea Point (Mr. Colin Eglin); Rondebosch (Dr. Van Zyl SIabbert); Pinelands (Dr. Alex Borraine).

6 Result of the general election held on April 24: National Party 122; United Party 46; Progressive Party; 6; Herstigte National Party o; Democratic Party o.

7 When the administration of Portugal under Dr. Marcello Caetano was overthrown on April 25, 1974 by Gen. Spinola, drastic changes occurred in Portugal's African colonies. In Mozambique the Portuguese government made way for an interim government under Frelimo. Joachim Chissano is the Prime Minister in this interim government. Cf. Die Volksblad, 21.9.1974; Die Oosterlig, 19.9.1974.

8 Cf. the Prime Minister's speech in the Senate on 23 October, 1974.

9 Cf. in this connection Die Suidwester, 25.9.1974; Die Volksblad, 25.9.1974.

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