From: South Africa's Radical Tradition, a documentary history, Volume Two 1943 - 1964, by Allison Drew
Document 45 - Ray Alexander, "Trade Unionism in South Africa", Discussion, 1 6,1952
[....] The first Trade Unions were organised by British immigrants who came to South African the 1880's, with trade union experience. They formed local branches of British Trade Unions. The Amalgamated Engineering Union is still a part of the British union In 1902 the Transvaal Miners' Association was formed, which later became the SA Mine Workers' Union.
Fight for Trade Union Recognition
From the very outset and for many years afterwards, these unions met with hostility as the part of employers and State authorities, as a result of which conflicts broke M between employers and workers on the Diamond Mines of Kimberley and later the disputes shifted to the Witwatersrand.
In 1907, the mining companies proposed to increase the proportion of African mime employed and the Transvaal Miners' Association was not prepared to accept it ands they came out on strike. Thereupon, the State introduced the Transvaal Industrial Disputes Prevention Act of 1907, but despite this, the most serious dispute in South African history took place in 1913. The miners all along the Reef struck for Trade Union recognition.
A judicial Commission was appointed after the termination of the strike, which recommended recognition of the Miners' Union by both the Government and & Chamber of Miners, and rules dealing with future industrial disputes,
At the end of December 1913, the European Coal Miners of Natal struck, and the Transvaal Federation of Trades, the co-ordinating body, established in 1911,brought the Gold Miners in the strike, as well as the workers engaged on the State-owned railways. Thus there was the general strike of 1913.
The Government, alarmed at these developments, declared Martial Law, brought in Commandos and the Defence Force, arrested trade union leaders and Labour Party members, and deported nine trade union leaders without trial. The action of the Government was criticised by judges. Parliament and Imperial authorities. The GovÂernment, therefore, introduced the Indemnity and Riotous Assemblies Acts - the Indemnity Act to give them indemnity of all the brutal action against the workers; and the Riotous Assemblies Act to prohibit strikes in public services and to illegalise strikes so as to prevent other workers from coming out on strike.
World War No. 1
In 1914 World War I broke out and the Government of the day was forced to give certain concessions to the workers in order to gain their support. During the war period, industry advanced and the bargaining power of the workers was strengthened. By 1915, the Chamber of Miners, Municipalities and some employers accepted and Closed Shop principle, recognised trade unions and the Unions obtained wage increases for the workers. These victories for unions resulted in a tremendous growth of the Trade Union Movement. Whilst in 1915 there were only 10 538 organised workers, by 1918 the number of organised workers totalled 77 819.
By the end of the War and the Declaration of Peace, the cost of living rose and again unrest arose among the workers who had learned to be organised and struggle for improvements in wages, as is shown by the number of strikes -1916-10, 1919- 47, and 1920 - 66 strikes. In these disputes, not only European workers took part, but also Coloured, African and Indian workers.
The war had also forced large numbers of non-Europeans into industry, and gave rise to the formation of non-European trade unions, which opened an important chapter in Trade Union history. The Industrial Commercial Workers' Union was the first wholly non European Trade Union organised, and was formed in Cape Town in 1919. This Union organised by the late Mr. Clements Kadalie, covered farm workers, domestic employees, as well as African, Indian and Coloured Industrial workers. There was great enthusiasm for this mighty, new union, and its membership soon rose to over 100 000 paid up members. The first successful strike led by the I.C.U., as the Union was known, was the strike of the Cape Town Dockers in 1919. These workers won themselves 8/- per day whereas before they received 4/- per day.
The end of the boom period marked a period of wage cuts, unemployment and strikes. Strikes took place of the African Gold Miners, European Engineers in JohanÂnesburg, Tramway workers in East London, Railway and Engineering Workers in Durban. The climax was reached in 1922 in the great Rand strike. 2 The main issue was the decision of the Chamber of Mines to modify the colour bar, employ non-Europeans in skilled jobs, and increases the ratio of Africans to Europeans. After 76 days the strike ended with 320 persons dead. The Federation of Trades called off the strike, and the Mines took back such men, as they required, on their own terms.
The Government appointed a Commission and a Mining Industry Board to consider future mining policy. The Mining Industry Board advised the repeal of the colour bar imposed in the Mines and Workers Act of 1911, and proposed a conciliation scheme to settle disputes at joint conferences between the mine owners and miners. A permanent Conciliation Board with an equal number of representatives from both sides came into operation in 1922. The Government introduced the Industrial Conciliation Bill, which subsequently became the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924, and was amended in 1937.
Industrial Legislation
Trade Unionism declined after the 1922 Rand strike there were other consequences favourable to labour, i.e. the enactment of industrial legislation such as the Wage Act and Industrial Conciliation Act. There were already industrial laws such as Workmen's Compensation Act (1914), the Miners' Phthisis Act (1912), the s Wages Protection Act (1914), the Factories Act 1918, the Juveniles Act (1922) the Apprenticeship Act (1918).
The Industrial Conciliation Act mainly aimed at the prevention of strikes, i.e. "peace in industry" by negotiation, conciliation and arbitration, but by the definition of “employee in the Act, Africans are excluded - the golden rule of the boss class "divide and rule policy”.
In addition, workers employed in Agriculture, Government service and by the Railways are excluded.
From the very introduction of the Industrial Conciliation Act, the Trade Union movement urged the deletion of the colour bar clause and its extension to all workers. Many argued that workers would be able to improve their conditions to the same extent and even more, if the Industrial Conciliation Act and Wage Act were not in existence. They point out the prohibition of strikes in whole or in part by the existence of the Conciliation Act, deprives the workers of their only strong weapon; and that the existence of Industrial Council Agreements or Determinations tend to bring about collaboration between employers and workers, which hinders the growth of class consciousness among workers. Above all, this machinery divides into racial group and prevents the achievement of unity against the employers. Yes, these view true!
After 10 years of experience of these laws we cannot but see that the boss class have succeeded in achieving the aims which they had in view when they introduced Industrial Conciliation and Wage Acts. A large number of workers have improved their conditions, but at the expense of the independence of the working class. A great responsibility rests upon the Trade Union leaders and members who have accepted this position of conciliation and compromise with the bosses and the Government. Yet, it is possible for a Union to use these laws in such a way that not only are conditions improved, but also the militancy and unity of the workers are raised to higher levels. These other things should be used as weapons with which to improve the workers conditions of life, build their trade unions and through organisation develop their understanding of political and economic problems.
The Formation of a National Trade Union Organisation
Colonel Creswell, leader of the Labour Party and Minister of the newly formed Labour Department, convened a conference of trade union representatives to consider the operation of the Industrial Conciliation and Wage Acts, and the formation of one National Trade Union Centre. From this gathering the S.A. Association of Employees' Organisation, later known as the S.A. Trade Union Congress, was established, and in October, 1931, as the S.A. Trades and Labour Council.
S.A. Trade Union Congress there was a Trade union leader with different points view. The reactionary type that were against accepting the applied affiliation of Industrial Commercial Workers' Union, on the grounds that the Congress would be dominated by non-European Trade unions, and the progressive leaders (called the Left's) who fought for one trade union centre irrespective of colour urged the accepÂtance of the I.C.U. and generally denounced colour-bar policies of European Trade Unionists. The "Left" group pressed for unity of the working class, for the amendment of the Industrial Conciliation Act to include in the definition "employee" all workers, i.e., Africans, and that anti-strike clauses in the Act be repealed. Our late comrade. Bill Andrews, was the leader of this group.
These differences of opinions and the existence of the Cape Federation of Labour Unions (an organisation created in 1913 and supported mainly by Cape unions) was a serious obstacle in the establishment of one National Trade Union Centre.
The Organisation of Non-European Workers in Trade Unions
Except in the Cape, where the Cape Federation of Trade Unions from their inception included coloured artisans, the organisation of non-European workers was done by the I.C.U. The successful strike of the Cape Town dockers gave impetus to other workers. 11 Unions moved their Head offices to Johannesburg, from where they issued a monthly journal called the Workers' Herald, and, in general established an elaborate machine with many paid organisers. These thousands of members, mainly Africans, supported the I.C.U. with great enthusiasm and sacrifice. The loose grouping of workers of different industries within one organisation instead of one Union for one industry, lack of experience, the scarcity of competent leaders, insufficient accounting of the funds, were some of the factors which prevented it from becoming an effective organisation. By the onset of the big depression in 1930, it had virtually ceased to function. Sections of the I.C.U. are still in existence in East London, Bloemfontein and Natal.
The hopes, enthusiasm and imagination which fired the non-European workers, particularly the Africans, were lost, and left many workers bitterly disappointed. Nevertheless, the I.C.U. left an everlasting impression. The Government was worried, and was actually plunged into a Cabinet crisis in 1928, when Madeley, then Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, and also a leader of the Labour Party, received an I.C.U. deputation.
The European Trade Unions began to realise the strength of the African workers, and the S.A. Trade Union Congress had a number of conferences with the I.C.U. and recommended their affiliated unions to enrol all workers irrespective of race into their unions. Most important of all, the non-European workers learnt the possibilities of being organised, and the advantages of organisation.
In 1936, the Union started upon an era of industrial expansion and non-European workers entered industries in large numbers. New enthusiasm swept through all workers, particularly the non-Europeans, for trade union organisation. The growth in Trade Unionism is shown by the increase in the number of registered Trade Unions. In 1929 there were 101 unions with a membership of 69 882, and 1946 - 203 unions with a membership of 346 509. These figures do not include African trade unions, as they are not allowed to be registered. Of the 203 Unions, no less than 115 unions were affiliated to the S.A. Trades and Labour Council. These Unions had a mixed memberÂship of Europeans, Coloured and Indian workers, and a small number of African unions were also affiliated to the S.A. Trades and Labour Council. Only one Union maintained a colour bar clause in its constitution, and it was the S.A. Mine Workers Union. The majority of African unions in the Transvaal were affiliated to the Transvaal Council of Non-European Trade Unions, which was formed in 1938. Many efforts have been made to convert this council into an organisation of all non-European trade unions throughout the country, but it met with little success. In all other provinces, the Non-European Unions are affiliated to the S.A. Trades and Labour Council or to the Western Province Federation of Labour Unions. Despite many attempts by the reacÂtionary racialist leaders, the S. A. Trades and Labour Council has no colour bar in its constitution, and is open to all Unions, registered and non-registered. It is important to organise all workers who are mainly African into unions, and these unions and other should affiliate to the S.A. Trades and Labour Council. This is the only way the non-European workers will be able to exercise influence on the policy of the Council. The division in the ranks of the workers can only be of help to the bosses and the Government.
All workers irrespective of colour being organised and affiliated to one body can only achieve unity of the working class. The S.A. Trades and Labour Council and the Council for Non-European Trade Unions have at every Conference passed resoluÂtions for the amendment of the I.C. Act to include African workers. However, despite these resolutions the Act has not been amended, which was mainly due to
(a) Because European reactionary Trade Union leaders opposed it, and
(b) The N.E. Trade Unions, in fact, the whole of the Trade Union Movement did not press hard enough for this amendment.
Racialism in Trade Union Movement
During 1947 and 1948, "pure" white Trade Unions such as the S.A. Mine Workers' Union and the Iron and Steel workers with their Secretary, Mr. van der Bergh, led a group of union affiliated to the S.A. Trades and Labour Council for the introduction of "apartheid" in the S.A. Trades and Labour Council conferences, and tried to amend the S. A. T. L. C. 's Constitution by introducing a colour-bar clause. This attempt was defeated by the efforts of the progressive Trade Unions affiliated to the S. A.T.L.C. with little help of African trade unions who are not affiliated to the S.A.T.L.C., and therefore, do not attend Conferences to help in the making of progressive Trade Union policies.
With the coming into power of the Nationalist Party Government in 1948, and A introduction of their apartheid policy in the Trade Union Movement, a number "white" unions broke away and formed the Co-ordinating Council in Pretoria (win consists of European unions only); the Blankewerkers Pederasie formed and financed by Nationalist Party supporters prior to the 1948 election, claims to have two unions such as shop assistants in country towns and wine workers - but has been useful to Nationalist Government as a mouthpiece of reaction when it gave evidence to the Commission on the Unemployment Insurance Act and the Industrial Legislation Commission. The S.A. Federation of Trade Unions is a body that only accepts tit affiliation of registered Trade Unions - African Unions are debarred.
The Trade Union Movement is very divided now. In addition to the above-mentioned bodies, there is the Transvaal Council for Non-European Trade Unions, the Western Province Federation of Labour Unions and the S.A. Trades and Labour Council. The S.A. Trades and Labour Council is the most representative body of workers. It is the duty of every sincere Trade Unionist and every sincere worker who believes in the unity of the working class, to see that all unions, particularly the Non-European unions, affiliate to the S.A.T.L.C., not to splinter bodies like the Western Province Federation of Labour Unions and the S.A. Federation of Trade Unions with their colour bar. Let us make no mistake, there are a number of Trade Unions with a majority of Coloured members in its membership, who are affiliated to the S.A. Federation of Trade Unions. Unity of the working class must be brought about, and this unity will become a reality only when the thousands of non-European and African workers engaged in semi-skilled and unskilled work have been organised, have raised their wage standards, have mired themselves the right to enter in every skilled trade and occupation and have made the European workers behave like fellow workers ”” not like a "white baas "!
It is, therefore, necessary to give to the worker an understanding of the aims of Trade Unionism, its history, its record of working class struggle for democratic rights, like the part played by the British Trade Unions in the Chartist Movement, and the struggle of other workers in other countries who succeeded in bringing about a state of affairs where the workers are governing 7. Yes, the workers by accepting responsibility of leadership in Trade Unions, responsibilities as Treasurers and shop stewards, etc., receive the first lessons in how to administer their country.
It is, therefore, necessary to give to the worker an understanding of the aims of Trade Unionism, its history, its record of working class struggle for democratic rights, like the part played by the British Trade Unions in the Chartist Movement, and the struggle of other workers in other countries who succeeded in bringing about a state of affairs where the workers are governing 7. Yes, the workers by accepting responsibility of leadership in Trade Unions, responsibilities as Treasurers and shop stewards, etc., receive the first lessons in how to administer their country.
Some Trade Unions believe that only the industrial laws are their concern. Who makes the industrial laws in our country? a parliament that is not elected by the majority of the working class. The majority of the working class is Africans, and all non-European women, who are factory workers and have not got the right to vote, to be elected to Parliament and make the laws affecting them. Politics concern the workers' bread and their rights as citizens. It is, therefore, no accident that some unions in Port Elizabeth, Worcester and other towns are whole-heartedly supporting the Campaign of Defiance of Unjust Laws.
The Trade Union Movement in South Africa is destined to play an important part in the fight for democratic rights, and for a free, happy and prosperous South Africa.
Lecturer: There is no justification for organisation in separate unions. All workers irrespective of colour should organise in the same unions.
Mr. Meltzer: What is the lecturer's attitude towards the Non-European Trade Union Council?
Lecturer: I have no disagreement with the formation of this Council, but I feel that it should urge its unions to affiliate to the South African Trades and Labour Council. This is necessary to obtain unity of all workers and will help in the formulating of a progressive policy in the S.A.T.L.C. The organisation of the whole working class is necessary, not only for the day to day struggles of the workers, but for political purposes as well. If the unity of the working class is to be achieved, we must firstly strive for the unity of all trade unions.
Mr. Cohen: Could the lecturer tell us why the Furniture Workers' Union are considering withdrawing from the S.A.T.L.C. and why the Cape Garment Workers'
Union Building Workers' Union is not affiliated to the S.A.T.L.C.?
Lecture: These unions lack progressive leadership. Mr. Marney: Achieving the unity of the non-European workers in South Africa is more important than the unity of the working class. If the non-European workers think they can achieve their ends by remaining out of the S. A.T. L.C., therefore, the formation of Non-European Trade Union Council is of the utmost importance. The white workers are opposed to non-European workers. The S.A.T.L.C. therefore loses its importance in connection with the abolition of the colour bar. Trade Union organisers should rate upon the organisation of the non-European workers than the achievement of black and white class unity.
Striving to achieve unity of black and white workers becomes reactionary, because the unity will be at the expense of the black workers. The only way in which we can achieve progressive unity is through the proper organisation of independent non-Euro-unions. It must be clearly understood that the class interests of the black id the white workers are not identical. The whites are interested in maintaining the status quo and defending their privileged position. The South African Trades and Labour Council is a product of the history of European Trade Union movement and closely associated with the perpetuation of the colour bar. The struggle for the existence of the S.A.T.L.C. is a lost cause. Furthermore the leaders of the non-European and Trade Union Council have probably realised the futility of striving for the unity of black and white workers; therefore they have refused to affiliate to S.A.T.L.C.
Lecture: I believe in the unity of the working class, not at the expense of the Non-European workers - that is not unity. In spite of the many defeats the progressive trade Unions in S.A.T.L.C. have suffered, and in spite of the attack on the S.A.T.L.C. by the Government and its demand to introduce segregation, we can be proud of the t fact, that S.A.T.L.C. has no colour bar. To do what you suggest - resign from the S.A.T.L.C. and affiliate to the Non-European Trade Union Council, will leave the T.L.C. to some trade union leaders who might agree to the government's pressure and pressure and thus give them victory over the Trade Union Movement. Our job is to strengthen the S.A.T.L.C. and make it an important organisation to work for the interests of the worker, i.e., non-European workers and others.
Meltzer: I feel that the lecturer has no real perspective of the fundamental issues at stake. She has dealt with the subject from a narrow organisational and administrative point of view and so failed to assess the real social forces. Moreover, she has failed to out the decisive changes that came about as the direct result of the 1922 Rand Strike by which the white workers gained a new status, politically, economically and socially. As a result of the 1922 strike the white workers were integrated in the State and thereafter became more and more reactionary.
Miss Alexander by keeping her eyes fixed on the S.A.T.L.C. and trying to create unity among non-European and European working class through its agency, has failed to offer a basis for the building up of non-European trade unions. A mechanical view of unity such as she envisaged through S.A.T.L.C. merely means that non-Europeans must tail behind. Miss Alexander's attitude towards the Non-European Council of Trade Unions implied that she was merely using it as a bargaining lever.
Lecturer: The remarks by Mr. Meltzer are unfounded and a slander on the work I do in the trade union movement and the ideas I put forward here. Obviously Mr. Meltzer did not listen to what I said.