From the book: Freedom In Our Life Time by Anton Muziwakhe Lembede

6. "congress youth league manifesto," Issued by the Provisional Committee of the Congress Youth League, March 1944.


WHEREAS Africanism must be promoted i.e. Africans must struggle for development, progress and national liberation so as to occupy their rightful and honourable place among nations of the world;

AND WHEREAS African Youth must be united, consolidated, trained and disciplined because from their ranks future leaders will berecruited;

AND WHEREAS a resolution was passed by the conference of the African National Congress held in Bloemfontein in 1943, authorising the founding and establishment of the Congress Youth League, WE therefore assume the responsibility of laying the foundations of the said Youth League.

Statement of policy

South Africa has a complex problem. Stated briefly it is: The contact of the White race with the Black has resulted in the emergence of a set of conflicting living conditions and outlooks on life which seriously hamper South Africa's progress to nationhood.

The White race, possessing superior military strength and at present having superior organising skill has arrogated to itself the ownership of the land and invested itself with authority and the right to regard South Africa as a Whiteman's country. This has meant that the African, who owned the land before the advent of the Whites, has been deprived of all security which may guarantee him an independent pursuit of destiny or ensure his leading a free and unhampered life. He had been defeated in the field of battle but refuses to accept this as meaning that he must be oppressed, just to enable the White man to further dominate him.

The African regards Civilisation as the common heritage of all Mankind and claims as full a right to make his contribution to its advancement and to live free as any White South African; further, he claims the right to all sources and agencies to enjoy rights and fulfill duties which will place him on a footing of equality with every other South African racial group.

The majority of Whitemen regard it as the destiny of the White race to dominate the man of colour. The harshness of their domination, however, Is rousing in the African feeUngs of hatred of everything that bars his way to full and free citizenship and these feelings can no longer be suppressed.

In South Africa, the conflict has emerged as one of race on the one side and one of ideals on the other. The whiteman regards the Universe as a gigantic machine hurtling through time and space to its final destination; individuals in it are but tiny organisms with private lives that lead to private deaths; personal power, success and fame are the absolute measures of values; the things to live for. This outlook on life divides the Universe into a host of individual little entities which cannot help being in constant conflict thereby hastening the approach of the hour of their final destruction.

The African, on his side, regards the Universe as one composite whole; as an organic entity, progressively driving towards greater harmony and unity whose individual parts exist merely as interdependent aspects of one while realising their fullest life in the corporate life where communal contentment is the absolute measure of values. His philosophy of life strives towards unity and aggregation; towards greater social responsibility.

These divergences are not simplified by the fact that the two major races are on two different planes of achievement in the Civilisation of the West. This is taken advantage of to "civilise" the African with a view to making him a perpetual minor. This obstruction of his progress is disguised as letting him "develop along his own lines." He is, however, suspicious of any "lines" of development imposed on him from above and elects to develop along what the Natives Representative Council recently called the "lines of his own choosing."”Š5

In practice these divergences and conflicts work to the disadvantage of the African. South Africa's 2,000,000 Whites are highly organised and are bound together by firm ties. They view South African problems through the perspective of Race destiny; that is the belief that the White race is the destined ruler and leader of the world for all time. This has made it imperative for the African to view his problems and those of his country through the perspective of Race. Viewing problems from the angle of Race destiny, the Whiteman acts as one group in relations between Black and White. Small minorities view South African problems through the perspective of Human destiny. These number among their ranks the few Whites who value Man as Man and as above Colour. Yet these are so few that their influence on national politics is but little felt.

The advantages on the side of the Whites enable 2,000,000 White men to control and dominate with ease 8,000,000 Africans and to own 83% of the land while the Africans scrape a meagre existence on the remaining 17%. The Whiteman means to hold on to these gains at all costs and to consolidate his position, has segregated the African in the State, the Church, in Industry, Commerce etc., in all these relegating him to an inferior position where it is believed, the African will never menace White domination.


To mislead the world and make it believe that the Whiteman in South Africa is helping the African on the road to civilised life, the Whiteman has arrogated to himself the title and role of Trustee for the African people.

The effects of Trusteeship alone have made the African realise that Trusteeship has meant, as it still means, the consolidation by the Whiteman of his position at the expense of the African people, so that by the time national awakening opens the eyes of the African people to the bluff they live under, White domination should be secure and unassailable.

A hurried glance at legislation passed by the Trustees for the African during the last forty years shows what a bluff Trusteeship is. The very Act of Union itself established as a legal right the claim of the Whiteman to dominate the man of colour.”Š6It did not recognise the African as a citizen of the then newly-formed Union; it regarded him as a beggar at the gate.

This was followed by the 1913 Land Act ”Š7”‰which deprived the African of Land and Land Security and in that way incapacitated him for that assertion of his will to be free which might otherwise have been inspired by assured security and fixed tenure. The Act drove him into urban areas where he soon made his way into skilled trades etc. But the Trustees had not brought him to urban areas to civilise him by opening to him avenues to skilled work. They had brought him so that he might be a cheap and nearby reserve of unskilled labour. This was finally established by the Colour Bar Act which shut Africans from skilled trades etc., thereby blocked their way to Civilisation via these channels.”Š8

In 1923 the Trustees passed the Urban Areas Act and this measure as amended warned Africans clearly that they were bidding farewell to freedom.”Š9

This Act imposed forms of control on the Africans which would have stirred into revolt any other section of the population. But because the Africans were not organised they yielded to more oppression and allowed themselves to be "controlled" from birth to the grave. This control had the effect of forcing Africans to remain impotent under unhealthy urban conditions which were set up to add their due to the ruining of the African's resistance to disease. The legalized slums, politely called Native Locations, were one aspect of these conditions.

But the Trustees were not satisfied with the emasculation of an entire community. In the 1927 Native Administration Act, they established the White race as the Supreme Chief of the African people. The conquest of the African people was complete.”Š10

As the African accepted none of these measures to "civilise" him without a struggle, the Trustees had always been worried by his prospects as long as the Cape Franchise remained,”Š11”Š With little compunction, in 1936 the last door to citizenship was slammed in the face of the African by the Natives Representation Act which gave us 3 Whitemen to represent 8,000,000 Africans in a house of 150 representing 2,000,000 Whites.”Š12”‰ At the same time a Land Act was passed to ensure that if the 1913 Land Act had left any openings for the African, then the Natives Land and Trust Act would seal them in the name of "humanity and Modern civilisation."”Š13

The 1937 Native Laws Amendment Act closed up any other loop hole through which the African could have forced his way to full citizenship.”Š14”‰Today, Trusteeship has made every African a criminal still out of prison. For all this we had to thank the philosophy of Trusteeship.

While Trustees have been very vocal in the solicitations for the African their deeds have shown clearly that talk of Trusteeship is an eyewash for the Civilised world and an empty platitude to soothe Africans into believing that after all oppression is a pleasant experience under Christian democratic rule. Trusteeship mentality is doing one thing and that very successfully, to drive the African steadily to extermination. Low wages, bad housing, inadequate health facilities, "Native education," mass exploitation, unfixed security on land and halfhearted measures to improve the African's living conditions are all instruments and tools with which the path to African extermination is being paved.

But the African rejects the theory that because he is non-White and because he is a conquered race, he must be exterminated. He demands the right to be a free citizen in the South African democracy; the right to an unhampered pursuit of his national destiny and the freedom to make his legitimate contribution to human advancement.

For the last two hundred years he has striven to adapt himself to changing conditions and has made every exertion to discover and derive the maximum benefits from the claims of the Whiteman that they are his Trustees. Instead of meeting with encouragement commensurate with his eagerness and goodwill he has been saddled with a load of oppression dating from the unprovoked wars of the last century and now containing such choice discriminating legislation as the 1913 Land Act and such benefits of Trusteeship as official harshness which recently attempted to hand an African under the very roof of the very State Department established to protect him and guide him on his way to civilisation just because he could not answer questions as quickly as the impatience of the Pass Office Trustees wanted.

In this very war South Africa is fighting against oppression and for Freedom; a war in which she has committed herself to the principle of freedom for all. In spite of this however it would be the highest folly to believe that after the war South Africa will treat the Africans as a citizen with the right to live free. South African blood ... of Whites and Africans alike . . . has been shed to free the White peoples of Europe while Africans within the Union remain in bondage. For his loyalty to the cause of human freedom and for his sacrifices in life, cash and kind, he has been promised a "Suspense Account" . . . another way of telling him that in spite of all he has done for his country in its hour of darkest need, for him there will be no freedom from fear and want.

Loss of faith in trusteeship

These conditions have made the African lose all faith in all talk of Trusteeship. HE NOW ELECTS TO DETERMINE HIS FUTURE BY HIS OWN EFFORTS. He has realised that to trust to the mere good grace of the Whiteman will not free him as no nation can free an oppressed group other than that group itself.

Self-determination is the philosophy of life which will save him from the disaster he clearly sees on his way . . . disasters to which discrimination, Segregation, Pass Laws and Trusteeship are all ruthlessly and inevitably driving him. The African is aware of the magnitude of the task before him but has learnt that promises no matter from what high source, are merely palliatives intended to drug him into yielding to more oppression. He has made up his mind to sweat for his freedom; determine his destiny himself and, THROUGH HIS AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS IS BUILDING A STRONG NATIONAL UNITY FRONT WHICH WILL BE HIS SUREST GUARANTEE OF VICTORY OVER OPPRESSION.

The African National Congress

The African National Congress is the symbol and embodiment of the African's will to present a united national front against all forms of oppression, but this has not enabled the movement to advance the national cause in a manner demanded by prevailing conditions. And this, in turn, has drawn on it criticisms in recent times which cannot be ignored if Congress is to fulfill its mission in Africa.

The critics of Congress attribute the inability of Congress in the last twenty years to advance the national cause in a manner commensurate with the demands of the times, to weaknesses in its organisation and constitution, to its erratic policy of yielding to oppression, regarding itself as a body of gentlemen with clean hands and to failing to see the problem of the African through the proper perspective.

Those critics further allege that in that period Congress declined and became an organisation of the privileged few . . . some Professionals, Small Traders, a sprinkling of Intellectuals and Conservatives of all grades. This, it is said, imparted to the Congress character traits of reactionism and conservatism which made Congress a movement out of actual touch with the needs of the rank and file of our people.

It is further contended by the critics of Congress that the privileged few who constituted the most vocal elements in Congress that they strongly resented any curtailment of what they considered their rights and, since the popularisation of the Congress character would have jeopardised or brought about the withdrawal of those rights by the Authorities, Congress was forced to play the dual role of being unconscious police to check the assertion of the popular will on the one hand and, on the other, of constantly warning the authorities that further curtailment of the privileges of the few would compel them, the privileged few, to yield to pressure from the avalanche of popular opinion which was tired of appeasing the Authorities while life became more intolerable.

These privileged few, so the critics of Congress maintain, are not an efficiently organised Bloc. Their thinking itself lacks the national bias and this has made Congress a loose association of people who merely react negatively to given conditions, able neither to assert the national will nor to resist it openly. In this connection, Congress is accused of being partly suspicious of progressive thought and action, though it is itself unable to express correctly the views of the mass of the people.

Finally, the critics say that because the privileged few who direct Congress are poorly organised and have no marked following, Congress cannot openly defy popular wishes; hence to maintain its precarious existence, it is compelled to be very vocal against legislation that has harsh effects on the African underdog while it gives no positive lead nor has any constructive programme to enforce the repeal of all oppressive legislation.

Challenge to youth

Some of these criticisms are founded on fact, it is true, but it does not advance the national cause if people concentrate on these while little or no effort is made to build Congress from within. It is admitted that in the process of our political development, our leadership made certain blunders. It was inevitable that this should have been the case, encompassed as the African people were and still are with forces in imical to their progress. But it does no good to stop at being noisy in condemning African leaders who went before us. Defects in the organisation of the people against oppression cannot be cured by mouthing criticisms and not putting our heads together to build what has been damaged and to find a way out of the present suffering.

Both the oppression and the causes that give rise to the criticisms of Congress cannot be allowed to go on indefinitely. Soon the point must be reached when African Youth, which has lived through oppression from the cradle to the present, calls a halt to it all. That point, happily is now reached ... as witness some of the clear-cut national demands by Youth at the Bloemfontein conference and the formation of Youth movements and political parties.”Š15”‰All this is proof that youth wants action and is in sympathy with the rank and file of our oppressed people. It is all a challenge to Youth to join in force in the national fight against oppression.


Congress youth league

The formation of the African National Congress Youth League is an answer and assurance to the critics of the national movement that African Youth will not allow the struggles and sacrifices of their fathers to have been in vain. Our fathers fought so that we, better equipped when our time came, should start and continue from there they stopped.

The formation of this League is an attempt on the part of Youth to impart to Congress a truly national character. It is also a protest against the lack of discipline and the absence of a clearly-defined goal in the movement as a whole.

The Congress Youth League must be the brains-trust and power station of the spirit of African nationalism; the spirit of African self-determination; the spirit that is so discernible in the thinking of our Youth. It must be an organisation where young African men and women will meet and exchange ideas in an atmosphere pervaded by a common hatred of oppression.

At this power-station the League will be a co-ordinating agency for all youthful forces employed in rousing popular political consciousness and fighting oppression and reaction. It will educate the people politically by concentrating its energies on the African homefront to make all sections of our people Congress-minded and nation-conscious.

But the Congress Youth League must not be allowed to detract Youth's attention from the organisation of Congress. In this regard, it is the first step to ensure that African Youth has direct connections with the leadership of Congress.

Circumstances call upon African Youth to make the League specialize in championing the cause of Africa; and to serve this end best, the League will sponsor a Congress political bloc, the Congress Progressive Group within the national movement. This will be the wing of the Youth League entrusted with the duty of organising Youth with a view to enabling it to make it accept the view that young people may organise and express better their political wishes outside of Congress; hence the formation of the bloc within Congress.     

The Congress Progressive Group will stand for certain clear-cut national ideals within Congress; it will stand for specialisation within the national movement, to reinforce the latter's representative character and to consolidate the national unity front; it will keep a vigilant eye on all un-national tendencies on the national unity front and in Congress policies.

We must be honest enough to realise that neither Congress nor the African people can make progress as one amorphous mass. At a certain state we must cultivate specialised political attitudes. Failure to recognise this will wreck Congress and encourage revolts from it until it ceases to be a force in national politics.

By recognising this fact. Youth does not confess sympathy with those who revolted against the national movement.”Š16”‰ These failed to realise that the formation of parties out of Congress was a serious weakening of the national unity front. They recognised the fact that Congress is a national liberation movement but were not sufficiently experienced politically to form their party within the national fold and to develop opposition from within, while strengthening the national unity front.

The result of their inexperience has been the creation of serious rifts and splits on the national unity front. For this, there can be no pardon because we cannot afford to cause any rift on the national unity front at this critical moment. By weakening the national unity front we invite more oppression for Africans after the war. By strengthening the national unity front, we are preparing a strong front against onslaughts that will be made on their real aims of the national struggle and on its significance and makes the co-ordination of our political activities difficult, with the result that the African cannot take advantage of situations which, if intelligently exploited on time, may bring the African nearer full and free citizenship.

Congress is destined for a great purpose and mission, but short sighted policies will cripple and make it unable to rise to its destiny. To prevent this and therefore the setting back of the clock of African progress, African Youth must join the League in their numbers to strengthen the national movement in view of the fact that divisions just now are being sown among the people by sections of the so-called privileged few, while no convincing effort is made to narrow down and finally eliminate the gulfs that divide our people even by those who clamour loudest for national unity. Those who sow these divisions direct their activities against the national unity front in order to make the national movement incapable of expressing the wishes of the people effectively; they are the enemies of a free Africa.

The Congress is the symbol of the African people's common hatred of all oppression and of their Will to fight it relentlessly as one compact group. Youth recognises the existence of specialised attitudes and where these lead to differences of opinion, that must be strictly a domestic matter within the national liberation movement and must in no way be allowed to interfere with the national unity front.


Our creed

  1. We believe in the divine destiny of nations.
  2. The goal of all our struggles is Africanism and our motto is "AFRICA'S CAUSE MUST TRIUMPH.
  3. We believe that the national liberation of Africans will be achieved by Africans themselves. We reject foreign leadership of Africa.
  4. We may borrow useful ideologies from foreign ideologies, but we reject the wholesale importation of foreign ideologies into Africa.
  5. We believe that leadership must be the personification and symbol of popular aspirations and ideals.
  6. We believe that practical leadership must be given to capable men, whatever their status in society.
  7. We believe in the scientific approach to all African problems,
  8. We combat moral disintegration among Africans by maintaining and upholding high ethical standards ourselves,
  9. We believe in the unity of all Africans from the Mediterranean Sea in the North to the Indian and Atlantic Oceans in the South . . . and that Africans must speak with one voice.

Our programme ............ the three-year plan

  1. Drafting and framing of the Constitution.
  2. Improving and consolidating our financial position. 
  3. Establishing the Congress Progressive Group,
  4. To win over and persuade other Youth Organisations to come over to the African National Congress Youth League, i.e. to create national unity and consolidate the national unity front,
  5. To win over and persuade other African Organisations to come over to and pool their resources in the African National Congress, i.e. to create national unity and consolidate the national unity front,
  6. To make a critical study of all those forces working for or against African progress.

7. A. L. LEMBEDE, "The Congress Youth League: Its Attitude to Other Bantu Youth Organisations," Bantu World, 27 May1944 (also printed in Umteteli wa Bantu, 27 May 1944 andInkundlaya Bantu, 31 May 1944).

The present century has been well called the century of youth. All over the world youth is in revolt against barren conservatism, stagnation and retrogression in society. Eminent leaders of mankind are beginning to realise more and more that a leader who has the youth behind him has the future in his hands.

"Man is a political animal," said Aristotle.”Š17”‰Yes, the political position of the Africans today is disfigured by disorder, chaos and pandemonium. Petty feuds and personal vendettas, divisions, dissensions, rifts, sects and schisms are the order of the day. Such a state of affairs is intolerable. Divisions weaken the nation and render it impotent and helpless.

There are some little and contemptible men who pride themselves on being leaders and who delight in these divisions and do all they can to fan the embers of these dissensions.

Youth is out to smash all political and other divisions. Those quasileaders who encourage divisions will be purged. Such leaders will be ostracized because they are traitors and quislings; they are betraying the national cause so they must be destroyed. Youth is now determined to create system out of disorder, cosmos out of chaos, and order out of the pandemonium.

We have now reached a critical stage in our national and political development ”” a stage which can be epitomised by the cry "Unite or Perish!" We can only be saved by following and acting according to an ancient adage: ex unitate vires (Out of unity comes strength).

It was the realisation of some of the problems of the critical stage which led the African National Congress to adopt a resolution that a Congress Youth League be founded in order to strengthen and reinforce the A.N.C. in its national struggle. There are several other African Youth organisations in the country, e.g. Mr. Mnguni's Youth League in Johannesburg.”Š18”‰

The Congress Youth League is not necessarily hostile to these youth organisations, but earnestly seeks harmonious co-operation with them. The question which the Congress Youth League puts to these organisations is "Are you working for the national cause?" If the answer is "yes" then the Congress Youth League exhorts to the famous words of Mr. Churchill, "Let us go forward together."

8. ANTON LEMBEDE, "Congress Youth League and Future Plans," Umteteli wa Bantu, 24 June 1944

Large-scale preparations have been initiated for the convocation of a Youth conference or rally in the Transvaal under the auspices of the Congress Youth League. At this Conference the rules and regulations of the League will be submitted for approval, members will be formally enrolled, a permanent executive committee of the League will be elected, and plans for future action will be drawn up. The provisional committee of the Youth League thus appeals to and invites all African young men and women of the Transvaal to get ready for this great conference. Whether you are a teacher or student, whether you are a graduate or illiterate, whether you are working in kitchen or factory, whether you are a street sweeper or gardener ”” COME!

The Transvaal section of the Congress youth wishes to congratulate the youth leaders of Natal who have founded a section of the Congress Youth League in Natal. We look forward to a day when the Youth League of Natal and that of the Transvaal and other provinces will meet at a round-table conference to coordinate plans and programmes of action, for "We are drawing up plans and laying foundations for a longer future than we can imagine."

Mr. C. S. Ramohanoe,”Š19”‰the newly elected president of the A.N.C. (Transvaal), a leader who is at home both with the masses and with the intellectuals, has requested the Transvaal Congress Youth League to provide him with speakers who will accompany him and appear with him on the platform at the Congress meetings which he is addressing on the Reef and Pretoria. He wants these speakers to help him in preaching Congress and Congress Youth League to the masses.

The Youth League cordially appreciates Mr. Ramohanoe's attitude and constructive policy.

To-day people are joining the Congress. All over the country the cry is: "Back to the Congress ”” our Mother organisation." The African National Congress is determinedly marching on. Mayibuye i Africa, Maluphakanyisa uphondo Iwa yo, Morena boloka sechaba sa heso, ufolise lintoa le matsoenyeho. [Come back Africa, Let her horn be lifted, God protect our nation. He puts an end to wars and suffering.] We now expect the Congress Youth League to be established in the O.F.S., Cape, Protectorates, South West Africa, Portuguese East Africa and Rhodesia. It is imperatively necessary, because African youth must take part in the titanic struggle for African nationalism and contribute substantially to the creation of the New African Order.

9. "AFRICAN YOUTH PLANS FOR THE FUTURE," Inkundla ya Bantu, December First Fortnight, 1945.

The Transvaal section of the Congress Youth League recently met in conference and among its high spots was Mr. A. M. Lembede's Presidential address, extracts from which we publish below. Mr. Lembede started by outlining the history and achievements of the Congress Youth League and then continued:

From the above, it is plain and evident that the Youth League can not boast of glorious achievements so far. Its achievements indeed are a negligible small fraction of the vast and colossal task that still lies ahead. There has been no intensive campaign to found branches though rudimentary branches have been established at Pretoria, Wil- berforce, Alexandra Township, Orlando, Springs etc. etc.

The periodic stages of the growth and development of the Youth League can be marked out as follows:

1944 was the year of establishment of the Youth League; 1945 was the year of its consolidation; 1946 will be the year of its militant expansion. We are aware of the vast tasks which still lie ahead for we are drawing plans and laying foundations for a longer future than we can imagine.

The approach of our Youth League to the burning problems and hardships confronting African youth purports to be scientific. Hence the League must tackle practical problems and daily issues facing African youth such as providing and popularising games and sports of all descriptions; striving for free and compulsory education and for more and better schools; launching a mass literacy campaign by establishing and assisting night schools; promoting and defending the interests of juvenile workers in Factories, Kitchens and everywhere; and combating juvenile delinquency in all its sinister forms and manifestations and by providing ethical values and ideals that will elevate and improve the moral tone of the youth. The League aims at balanced national progress ”” politically, economically, socially, educationally, culturally and ethically.

Other Provinces

Our Youth League is the National Youth League; that is why it was the President-General himself who gave the League the inaugural benediction. A National Youth League conference of all provinces was convened at Kimberley in December last year. The attendance was small so those present decided that no new election would take place but that the present executive continues [to] organise the League in the Transvaal as well as in the other provinces including the Protectorates. As soon as we have a fair number of branches in the Transvaal, a provincial conference shall be convened in order to elect the provincial President and Executive. The other provinces will be organised by the employment of such methods as the appointment of local organisers or organising committees.

Other Youth Leagues

As far as other African Youth Leagues and Organisations are concerned, our primary task is to win them over and integrate them in our League. But where it is impractical we advocate a policy of co-operation on common issues whenever possible. Some time during this year, our League was invited to affiliate to the Progressive Youth Council with its South African Headquarters in Johannesburg. Our Executive felt that our League could not affiliate to the Progressive Youth Council for the following reasons, inter alia:-

a.) Our Youth League is sovereign in Africa and over African Youth: hence it cannot be a subordinate part of any other youth organisation in Africa,
b.) Ours, being a Congress Youth League, the prior approval of the A.N.C. was necessary before such an affiliation could  be considered on its merits

The End of War and the Post War Problems

World War No.2 has come to an end after a most barbaric human slaughter in the history of our planet. Many Africans hoped that the end of war the way it ended, would open up a vista of a new political and economic order in South Africa, that it would lead to the amelioration rather than the deterioration of the position of the African in the body politic of South Africa. But such credulous people are standing aghast disillusioned and disenchanted today.

It is a rude awakening to such native people to observe that freedom for the African people is out of sight, that economic exploitation and political oppression of the African masses are being grimly intensified. As usual, it is youth that has to suffer most; take for instance, the Pass Laws section seventeen and the danger of the proposed transfer of the administration of passes from the Native Affairs Department to the Municipalities.

Organised African youth must fight this Satanic system with all powers at its disposal. Think again of the proposed youth labour camps which mean slave labour, forced labour

The Future

In conclusion may I don the cloak of a prophet and essay to predict the future of the Congress Youth League. The future is a closed book for us. What we know is we have so far achieved practically nothing and that momentous task of vast dimensions and stupendous proportions still await us in the future. We are not called to peace, comfort and enjoyment, but to hard work, struggle and sweat. We need young men and women of high moral stamina and integrity; of courage and vision. In short, we need warriors. This means that we have to develop a new type of youth - not the pleasure-loving, frivolous, dissolute, light minded type - but youth of stoical discipline, trained to endure suffering and difficulties. It is only this type of youth that will achieve the national liberation of the African people. As Spinoza says, we must look at whatever we do "Sub specie aeternitatis" - under a form of eternity.

Although the outlook is so gloomy yet we unfalteringly hope that ultimately we shall surmount even the apparently insuperable hardships and difficulties. Hope is our driving and unfailing force; for, as the poet says: "Hope springs eternal in the human breast. Man never is but always to be blest."”Š20

10. A. M. LEMBEDE, "The Congress Youth League," Bantu World, 18 January 1947.

The decision of the African National Congress about three years ago, to form a youth league under Congress, was a very progressive step indeed. It is imperatively necessary to mobilise the nation in all its ramifications ”” men, women and young people. It is specially necessary that young people be imbued and indoctrinated with Congress spirit based on African nationalism ”” the ideology underlying our struggle for national liberation. It is an incontrovertible and unchallengeable fact that the leaders of to-morrow will be recruited from the youth of to-day. No man outside the lunatic asylum can shamelessly maintain that present leaders are immortal. They must, when the hour strikes, inexorably bow down to fate and pass away, for: "There is no armour against fate, Death lays his icy hand on Kings."”Š21

Political parties and organisations in most countries spend huge sums of money and much energy in organising and mobilising youth. The organisation of the A.N.C. Youth League has for the last two years been mainly confined to the Transvaal. The time has now come for the League to expand throughout and encompass the whole of South Africa including the Protectorates.

All enterprising, progressive and militant youths in all the Provinces of the Union and Protectorates are being asked to commence organising the Youth League in their respective areas or localities.

A new fillip

We are gratefully indebted to the Transvaal African Students' Association (T.A.S.A.) who, in their recent annual conference at Orlando, Johannesburg, openly declared by a resolution that they are nationalistically oriented and that they therefore whole-heartedly support the A.N.C. Youth League.”Š22”‰This gives the Youth League new fillip and new strength. We earnestly hope that the other Provinces will follow suit without delay. Under the banner of Congress African youth will triumphantly march to Freedom ”” Freedom within our lifetime.

It is depressing, however, to observe that the dragon of hostility against the Youth League is rearing its ugly head. Political careerists and reactionary diehards within and outside Congress, view the Youth League with suspicion. The League is unjustifiably accused of being a parallel organisation to Congress, of planning a coup d'etat, or to seize power in Congress, or to usurp the position of high Congress officials. That is not correct.

It is nothing but a figment of the brain of those pseudo-leaders who are only solicitous about their personal positions, pride and interest and not about the national struggle of the masses. The Youth League is not interested in personalities or positions but in the national struggle.

The League is the product and child of Congress and has no alternative but to carry out the policy and programme of the Mother Body. This cowardly fear of the Youth League is therefore totally unfounded. According to the Youth League's Manifesto, a true leader must be the embodiment or incarnation of the wishes and aspirations of the masses. It is such a leader of the League who pledges its unconditional support and loyalty.