South Africa - On The Road To Fascism: Pamphlet Published Jointly With Cassim Jadwat In London, November 1948

The dark shadow of Fascism is moving swiftly over South Africa. The advent of the Government of Dr. Malan and his Nationalist Party, well-known for its servile adulations of Hitler and allegiance to fascist principles, has stripped off the mantle of democracy with which Field-Marshal Smuts' personality and prestige had adorned South Africa. All the pious proclamations of Christian trusteeship and white man's civilisation can no longer hide the dangers that are inherent in a country where race and colour rule is the instrument of State policy. The rapidity with which Dr. Malan is moving to complete the Nazification of South Africa by swallowing up the very last vestige of civil liberties and the few remaining political rights of the non-white majority in the country, has given rise to a genuine fear and alarm everywhere, both within the country and without, that unless the United Nations take effective action, South Africa will be plunged into the most frightful race conflicts.

What has happened in South Africa since the 1947 session of the United Nations when the Assembly debated India's complaint regarding the oppressive and humiliating treatment of Indians in South Africa, but failed to get the two-thirds majority necessary to make a decision binding on South Africa? An election took place amidst a terrible race hysteria against the non-white peoples in the Union in which over 80 percent of the population could not participate for no other reasons than that of their race and colour. The tiny white electorate returned to power the party of Dr. Malan, who had enunciated a programme based on fascist principles to deal with the disenfranchised non-white majority. There were hopes that out of regard for world opinion, Dr. Malan would not risk putting into effect such a doctrine three years after the end of the war against Fascism. But without any pretences and quite unashamedly, he launched an attack on the non-Europeans and other sections of the democratic movement.

Malanite Axe Falls

The world has to take stock of the Malan Government which, in its four brief months of power, has:

(1) Suspended the deportation orders against Nazi Germans interned during the war;

(2) Released Robey Leibrandt, who was landed in South Africa during the war by a German submarine and subsequently convicted of high treason. Released also all the other members of the German fifth column;

(3) Announcedthat war-internees would be eligible for compensation to a maximumof £20,000per head;

(4) Raised the ban on two subversive organisations, the Broederbond and the Ossewa Brandwag;

(5) Suspended the training of Native artisans outside the reserves;

(6) Undertaken to separate the races in the trade unions, and hinted at the possibility of the formation of a Labour Front on the Hitlerite model;

(7) Raised all restrictions on the movement of South-West African German ex-internees;

(8) Rebuffed the International Labour Organisation by refusing permission to its delegation to visit South Africa;

(9) Undertaken to amend the Unemployment Insurance Act and in the interim period, to cut benefits to non-European workers to a minimum;

(10) Taken steps to set up a platteland army, corresponding to the S.S. troops in Nazi Germany;

(11) Taken steps to extend the Ghetto Act to the Cape;

(12) Further restricted the freedom of travel of non-Europeans by segregating them on suburban Cape trains, the only trains that had remained free from the segregation laws of South Africa;

(13) Removed theso-called representation clauses of the Ghetto Act (the Asiatic LandTenureand Indian Representation Act of 1946) which was used as a pretext to justify further land and residential restrictions on the Indian people. It was also designed to soften the storm of indignation aroused by the Act, which snatched away the inherent rights of the citizen of the country to live wherever he wishes because he was an Indian, and relegated him to limited, inferior areas which, in the course of time, became ghettos. The Justice Lange Commission of 1920 has described this segregation policy in the following words: "Indiscriminate segregation of Asiatics in localities and similar restrictive measures would result, and eventually reduce them to a state of helotry. Such measures, apart from their injustice and inhumanity, would degrade the Asiatics and react upon the Europeans."

(14) Decided to introduce legislation to take away the last bit of franchise rights of the Africans who hitherto in the Cape would return three White candidates, called Native Representatives, to an Assembly of 150 White members;

(15) Threatened to stop the entry of the handful of non-white students into even the two universities which alone permitted a limited number of non-white students;

(16) Introduced amendments to the electoral laws designed primarily to reduce the number of Coloured voters on the common roll;

(17) Announced its intention to remove altogether the Coloured voters of the Cape from the common roll, and to give them indirect representation in Parliament through three White members, the first step to complete disenfranchisement, as is shown by the case of the Africans who were treated in the same way at first;

(18) Announced its intention to stop payment of family allowances to Indians;

(19) Introduced Proclamation 1890 which will make it illegal for any organisation, political, trade union, or social, to collect subscriptions from Africans without prior approval of the Minister. This measure has been introduced with the set purpose of destroying all democratic organisations of the African people.

General Smuts agreed that the political rights of the non-Europeans were so small that political wisdom demanded that they should be left alone. Speaking on some of these measures, he said:

"It seemsto me it is simply playing with enormous issues. Here you have millionsofpeople entrusted to us. That is all they have. We step over them, we almost stamp on them, and we propose to take away these small rights. How can we face our own public opinion? How can we face the public opinion of the world? How can we face the future of South Africa when we behave in this way to people who have been put in our charge as a sacred trust? How can we defend ourselves? How can we, with a clean conscience, go forward in the future?"

When General Smuts,certainly no liberal in matters concerning the rights of the non-Whitepeople,is moved to make such a strong comment, it is because he has a premonition of the Fascism which is coming to South Africa. The Coadjutor Bishop of Cape Town, the Right Rev. S.W. Lavis, regards the assaults on the non-European freedom as a "conflict between repression and freedom" and "a kind of murder...with dreadful evils in view."

Character of Malan Government

It is not difficult to judge from all that has already been said what is the character of the Malan Government. It has made no secret of its anti-African, anti-Asiatic, anti-Coloured, anti-British, and anti-Semitic principles. In short, it recognises the superiority of only one race in South Africa - the Afrikaners. The others are kaffirs (Natives or Africans), Coolies (Indians), Loyal Dutch (Afrikaners who do not accept Nationalist policy), Jingoes (British) or Jode (Jews). The leading Ministers of the Malan Government have stated that they will appoint a body that will inquire into un-South African activities. The word un-South African has a sinister ring when it is remembered that, according to the Nationalists, the only true South African is the Afrikaans-speaking supporter of the Nationalist Party. Dr. Malan, at the Nationalist Party Congress in Pretoria in 1939, said:

"An Afrikaneris one who, whether speaking the same language or attending the samechurchas myself, or not, cherishes the same Nationalist ideas. That is why I willingly fight against General Smuts. I do not consider him an Afrikaner."

In 1941, Dr. Malan,the chief exponent of Nationalist ideas, made it clear that he hadnothingto do with democracy. In one of his speeches he said: "Is not the time ripe for us to base our national life upon another foundation by breaking away from democracy?" In the same speech he said: "Democracy exists here only in name." He declared that the Nationalist Party was ready to:

(a) abolish democratic government, as in every instance it has been a failure;

(b) make peace with Germany and Italy;

(c) deprive the non-Nationalist-minded of their political rights, and

(d) set up a Gestaporepublic, since "the National Socialist had undoubtedly performed wonders in Germany."

The Enlightenment Secretary of the Nationalist Party and Editor of one of its leading newspapers, Die Oosterlig, Dr. O. H. du Plessis, has proclaimed that:

"The dictators,creators of the New Order, with Hitler and Mussolini in the foreground,undertookto solve the interior and exterior problems. They had great success. The whole of Europe, with the exception of a few small States, has accepted the New Order."

Another champion of the Malanites, the Rev. C. W. M. du Toit, said in Parliament in 1942:

"There existsa common basic principle in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Germany, andwe wantthat here, too, but it is only that underlying principle of National Socialism."

The party that now rules over the country follows the familiar pattern of Nazi meetings and congresses, as witness the following report in The Friend on the Nationalists' Congress of June, 1941:

"...a realisticrehearsal of Reichstag procedure, in which only the leaders had asay. Allresolutions were proposed and seconded from the platform and according to programme... and no debates ensued. Dr. Malan spoke for two hours at the opening of the proceedings, giving a consummate exposition of Nationalist Socialism."

When the jackboot of Hitler had already trampled upon freedom in several lands, the Nationalists were praying for a German victory. Dr. van Nierop, a leading Nationalist M.P., gave this message:

"Let us assume that Great Britain loses the war - yes, I do wish it. When Great Britain loses the war, then South Africa will win, and that is why I want Great Britain to lose".

Dr. Malan was even more confident of a German victory. He said:

"A wonderfulfuture awaits Afrikanerdom. Germany will want a government sympathetictoitself... The Nationalist Party can fill that role."

The manner in which Dr. Malan proposed to establish a republic on National Socialist lines is revealed by his following remarks:

"The Republicmust first be obtained and the Republican Government will have tobe grantedabsolute power for a time in order to establish the Republic. Afrikanerdom will welcome it, but a large proportion of them will only accept it under compulsion. This will then be nothing but High Treason. The Republican Government must obtain absolute power for a time in order to establish the Republic. Problems must be solved which are in closest touch with the life in South Africa and which cannot be solved under the democratic machinery."

All the actions and speeches of the members of the present Government of South Africa bear the unmistakable stamp of their adherence to the ideology of Fascism; of this there is no doubt. Almost all the members of Dr. Malan's Cabinet belong to the secret fascist organisation known as the Broederbond, which works for full political domination of South Africa by the Nationalist-minded wealthy Afrikaners. It is of great importance to examine how it was possible that such a party, which represents a threat to the most elementary principles of democracy, could have been returned to power by election three years after the end of the war against Fascism. In our appeals to the United Nations, we have consistently pointed out that in South Africa there is no other choice than the choice between a democracy wherein every section of the population would enjoy equal rights regardless of the pigmentation of their skins, or a South Africa based on racialism where every principle of democracy is threatened. We have asserted that in a land where freedom and democracy is the exclusive preserve of a minority based on the criteria of race and colour, such criteria must inevitably rob the country of its soul, and make it ripe for totalitarianism. That it is moving with increased momentum to a totalitarian State, riding on a crest of race hysteria akin to that in Nazi Germany, is now a grim certainty. The New Statesman and Nation, of London, comments:

"More thanformal transfer of power has taken place. The apparatus of civiland militarypower is being transformed as speedily as possible so as to ensure that it is a weapon apt to the hand and the intention of the manipulators. The steps that have been taken, the measures being adopted to strengthen the Nationalist grip on the Party machine, and the legislation and regulation already introduced and pending, all show the pattern of a blueprint devised and applied with all the skill and technique in the fascist arsenal. Donges at the Interior, Louw, the Jew-baiter, at External Affairs, Erasmus at Defence, Swart at Justice, hold key portfolios."

Apologists of South Africa's racial doctrines have sought to propagate the idea that South Africa would gradually adopt a more liberal policy and give more rights to the disenfranchised majority. The whole history of South Africa in the last fifty years has been a sorry tale of agreements violated, of promises unfulfilled, of diminishing rights for the majority and mounting racial oppression. What little rights the non-white peoples have had, have been snatched away from them, and the graph of racial laws has risen rapidly to a number far beyond that of Nazi Germany. The axe is now falling with such rapidity that even some sections of the white population have become alarmed. Hence the warning of the Rt. Hon. J. H. Hofmeyr, former deputy Prime Minister, that the new measures may be a prelude to an attack on the rights of some sections of the white people also.

The Malanites: their Black Record during the War

Owing allegiance to the fascist ideology, Dr. Malan and his Nationalists not only hoped for a Hitlerite victory, but actively worked for it in various ways, the most popular being to threaten all those who supported the war. We bring to your attention the following quotations from the speeches of leading Nationalists:

Dr. Malan, Prime Minister:

"We can takeit that if Germany wins the war she will want to weaken the Empire.On thispoint German desires are in agreement with our efforts. In the second place, Germany would want to negotiate with a Government which is friendly disposed towards her. There is only one such Government possible - the Herenigde Nasionale Party."

"Will Englandin those circumstances remain on a democratic basis, and do so aftershe hasexperienced to the full in this war how effective and how efficient another system (Nazism) is?"

"The UnitedStates is arming only in her own interests. She is not arming forwar, butfor the peace because she wants a say in the armistice and wants to be heir to Britain's estate."

J. G. Strydom, Minister of Lands:

"We are notenemies of Germany. We have always been friends of the German people,andthe only white country that was our enemy is Britain."

Rev. S. W. Naude, M.P.:

"Of courseGermany is going to win. This war started with a war of Hitler, andis endingwith a war of God. It is God's war, because it is God's rood over England for all the injustice which England has committed in the world. God is now settling accounts with her, and He is using Hitler for the purpose."

A. J. Werth, Nationalist M.P. and shadow Minister for Finance when the Nationalists were in Opposition:

"Gallowsare being erected where they themselves may hang in years to come.We say sonot only to the Jingoes, but we say so to the Jews. You are putting up gallows for the Germans, but beware, the day may come when you yourselves may hang from these same gallows."

Apartheid - from Prison House to Concentration Camp

"Apartheid" isthe word coined by the Nationalist Party of Dr. Malan to describeits oppressive programme for the non-white peoples of South Africa. The stated aim of this policy is to bring about the total political and territorial segregation of the Natives (Africans), and generally speaking, the complete residential separation of white from non-white, and as far as it is practicable their separation in the industrial field as well.

Conditions in South Africa today make it a vast prison house for four-fifths of the population. The dignity and status of the individual and all human values are based primarily on the colour of the skin. Only the white can fully exercise the vote, can be elected to any of the legislative bodies, be they national, provincial or municipal, can enjoy freedom of movement and the other elementary liberties, and can inherit the culture of mankind. The man whose skin is dark is barred.

"The African is all the time a prisoner in the land of his birth, although he might not be confined within prison walls," said the eminent South African Judge, F. E. T. Krause. An African, from the moment he leaves his reserves is controlled by a rigid and cruel pass system. He is compelled to carry on his person no less than twelve pieces of paper. Without these pieces of paper he cannot leave his reserve; he cannot obtain a train ticket; he cannot seek work; he cannot enter into a town; he cannot walk the streets after curfew hours, which apply only to Africans; he cannot attend a school and, to all intents and purposes, he can do nothing without a pass. It is humanly impossible for an African to go through life without falling victim to these pernicious pass laws. A failure to carry any one of these many passes is a criminal offence. The annual average of Pass Laws convictions over a period of years is over the 100,000 mark. This is the reason why South Africa enjoys the reputation of having the largest gaol-going population in the world in proportion to its population.

Describing police raids for passes, Oliver Walker, author of Kaffirs are Lively, says:

"Nightlythe pick-up vans (police vans) prowl the streets seeking their prey.Nightlythey fill up with their dark cargoes. And when the pick-up vans are not on the job, mass raids of locations and hostels keep the jail-yards choked."

The million and a half Africans who live on the white farms do so in conditions of serfdom. The Rev. Michael Scott, a man of high integrity and repute, after an investigation into typical farms in the Bethal district, said:

"Conditionsakin to slavery exist on some farms. On one farm I found 50 men huddledroundopen fires with no blankets and only 3 or 4 mattresses in all. Sacks were their only working clothes and they had no boots, though the employer had issued great coats... On another farm 25 native labourers were employed and driven to work by sjamboks (whips)."

The Africans live on the farms in constant and mortal terror.

The land hungeramongst the Africans is appalling. Only 13 percent of the land isreservedfor the 7½ million Africans, the remainder belongs to the white 2 million. In the urban areas the laws of the land force the Africans to live in ghettos called Locations. So crowded are these locations that their inhabitants overflow into the unoccupied open spaces where they set up homes of hessian, kerosene tins and split poles. Shocking conditions of sanitation and sordid misery exist in these shanty towns of squatters, over 100,000 of whom live and die in Johannesburg alone, the richest gold mining city in the world. To quote Oliver Walker again:

"...and jointhe queue for the lavatories (one for every 60 people in an estimated100,000population), the 40 communal showers and the 500 water taps (one to every 50 families)."

The facts available regarding health, disease, education and labour for the non-white people constitute an indictment against any civilised government.

* Infant mortality amongst the Africans in a typical area has been estimated at 400-500 per 1,000 births. (Such figures at best can only be estimates since the collection of vital statistics affecting the non-white people is badly neglected).

* The average expectation of life for an African is 36 years, compared with 60 years for the white man.

* The white death rate for tuberculosis in South Africa is the lowest in the world, 32 per 100,000. The African death rate from the same disease is estimated at 800 to 1,200 per 100,000 in the urban areas. The chief tuberculosis officer of the Union, Dr. B. A. Dormer, says:

"South Africahas the dubious distinction of holding the world's record for thetuberculosisdeath rate amongst its non-European industrial workers. The Union has 40,000 active cases walking around."

* There are 24,442 registered cases of blindness amongst Africans, 95 percent of which is preventable.

* 80 percent of the adult African population cannot read or write, and 71 percent of the African children of school-going age are not in school.

* The expenditureon the education of white children is £23 per head per year; on African education it is less than £3 per head per year.

* There are not more than 20 African doctors, no African engineers, dentists, chemists, engine drivers, etc. Technical education in trades schools and technical institutes and vocational guidance are only for the white, except for a couple of highly inadequate agricultural schools.

* South Africa is the one country in the world which has actual laws in its statute book preventing the majority of its workers from performing skilled work.

* A white mineworker gets £45 to £50per month, while the black mine worker gets 45s. per month.

* Expenditureon prisons and the police force is £3 million, but the Government can only afford £2 million for African education.

"The legalposition today is such that the police can arrest any African walkingdownthe main street of Johannesburg at any time of the day or night, and any competent prosecutor would have no difficulty whatever in finding some offence with which he could be charged."

"Apartheid" isthe final step for the transformation of South Africa from a prisonhouse into a concentration camp for its non-white population.

Dr. Dadoo, the South African Indian leader, says:

"Apartheidis barbaric in conception, fascist in principle and oppressive inpractice. Apartheidonly over our dead bodies."

Herrenvolk State

The Union of SouthAfrica is a classic, and indeed, the only example in the world todayofa State which is founded and maintained on a doctrine of the supremacy of one race over another, and which masquerades as a democracy. Of a population of 11 million people, the tiny minority of two and one quarter million, all Whites, have the full franchise, and have the right to elect and be elected to the legislative bodies of the country. The great majority, Bantu, Coloured and Indians, are excluded from these fundamental rights of the citizen. The whole apparatus of the State is guided by a dual standard of ethics, one which applies to the white man and another to the non-white, geared and reinforced by innumerable colour-bar laws that intrude into the whole fabric of society and relate to the minute details of human activity. Even the churches are not free from this policy of racial segregation, in contradiction of their teachings of the brotherhood of man. All non-White people, including the Indians, are unable to move freely in all parts of South African cities; they may enjoy only those sections of South Africa's beaches, usually the least pleasant, which are set aside for them; they may not be employed in any of the skilled trades; they cannot become engineers, accountants or pharmacists because no European firm will undertake to apprentice a non-European. The Civil Service is closed to non-Europeans, as are also the technical colleges and most of the universities. They may not use the libraries, cinemas, public transport, public conveniences, post offices, which are so generously provided for the White, and so few and so poor for "Non-Europeans Only." In politics, in commerce, in industry and in science, in sickness and in health, in culture and in education, the non-White is ostracised and humiliated, as were the Jews of Hitlerite Europe. The common-place notice "Non-Europeans and Dogs Not Allowed" reveals most clearly the attitude of White South Africa.

As in Nazi Germany, the fires of racial hatred are stoked with the fuel of hysterical campaigns of racial hate against Indians, which often eventually lead to beatings. A Durban Indian newspaper, The Leader (February 7, 1948), commenting on one of these campaigns, says:

"The mostdisturbing feature of the attack on an Indian by Europeans was therelish withwhich one of Durban's Sunday papers reported the sordid details of the assault and manhandling of one Indian by eight brave, courageous Europeans. The details contained in the report are nauseating and remind us of the pictures we were shown when the war was in progress. We were shown the degrading bestiality of the master-race; we were shown how defenceless Jews were battered, assaulted and manhandled, and how the jackboot was applied to nameless men and women. We were led to believe that these things could only happen in the Nazi Reich, but today, two years after the war ended, we have first-class examples of these things."

The spirit of Belsen and Buchenwald stalks today in the land of the white Herrenvolk - South Africa.

South African Indians

For the third time, the Assembly of the United Nations will debate the racial and colour prejudices of the South African Government with particular reference to the treatment of the Indians born in the country, and the fate of South West Africa, which the Malan Government intends to annex. Twice already the United Nations have passed by large majorities resolutions condemning the Union Government's colour repression policies.

Mrs. Pandit, in a striking address to the plenary session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1946, said:

"The admissionmade by the South African Government in regard to the racial discriminationand racial segregation, its repeated attempts to embody them in law and its unquestioned practices in gross violation of the Charter constitute an indictment, which is proved by their admission. Over many years my Government, irrespective of its constitution and character, has appealed, complained, protested and sought compromises and agreements and has been finally forced into retaliation, to bring the matter before the bar of world opinion. The Union Government has taken no step and has not given the slightest indication that it contemplates even a temporary suspension of the latest instalment of its offending legislation.

"Both thehead of the South African Government and his Government stand deeplycommittedto honour the obligations of the Charter. Unless the 54 nations assembled here place on the Charter a meaning and significance far below that which its words convey, then the issue no longer rests with India or South Africa, but with all the nations of the world assembled here.

"It is toolate now to argue that fundamental violations of the Charter arematters ofdomestic jurisdiction of the member States. If this was the case, the Charter would be a dead letter, and our professions about a world free from any inequalities of race, free from want and free from fear are an empty mockery."

White South Africahas defied the requests made by UNO at previous sessions, and hasreturnedto power the party of Dr. Malan, thus supporting an even more oppressive programme against the Indians and other non-White people. When the new Government came to power, the Joint Passive Resistance Council of the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses suspended the passive resistance struggle against the racial laws of South Africa - a struggle in which over 2,000 brave men and women were thrown into prison for the crime of defying laws which offend the dignity of the human being. The two Congresses wrote to the Prime Minister, Dr. Malan, asking him to receive a deputation to ascertain the policy of the new Government regarding the Indians. The Prime Minister rejected the requests for an interview, accusing the Congress bodies of soliciting help from the United Nations Organisation "to incite world opinion against South Africa". He has since declared in Parliament:

"The Indianshave no right to regard themselves as part of the settled populationwhobelonged to South Africa. Therefore the Indians must be satisfied to remain in South Africa under restriction. In the circumstances, the restrictions are justified."

As a cloak for their oppressive policy, the Nationalists are now seeking to label the Indians as aliens and foreign elements. Such methods are very reminiscent of the argument of the fascists. Dr. Malan, in his main statement on apartheid (in April, 1948), said:

"The Partyholds the view that Indians are a foreign and outlandish elementwhich is unassimilable.They can never become part of the country and must therefore be treated as an immigrant community."

The dangerouslanguage that the Nationalists employ springs largely from "the dominant mentality in South Africa which is the Herrenvolk mentality," in the words of Mr. J. H. Hofmeyr, former deputy Prime Minister.

Typical of the violent racialistic expressions are the following, which we quote from the Election Manifesto of Dr. J. H. Loock, Nationalist candidate in the recent elections:

"The dregsof India came here half a century ago to work on the sugar plantations...The coolie is not an inmate of this country, but a usurper and exploiter. Millions of people have recently been shifted in Europe to solve racial problems. Why can we not shift 250,000 coolies?"

Major P. W. A. Pieterse, warning the White Parliament that he would not tolerate Coloureds or Natives in the House of Assembly, said:

"I say withthe hon. member for Harrismith, Mr. E. R. Strauss, Give me a machinegunand bring them before me and I shall mow them down as far as they come'."

Another South African M.P. said:

"We are infavour of that 'Herrenvolk' conception, because we feel that we sharethe Westernculture. There are the Eastern and Western cultures in the world... We stand for the preservation of the Western conception and we realise that Western culture and the Herrenvolk conception can only be preserved if segregation is applied."

These speechesreflect something of the terrible atmosphere that prevails in SouthAfricaand the terror to which the non-white section of the population is subjected. Being voiceless and voteless, their national organisations, the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses, refused a hearing, treated like pariahs in the land of their birth, sought the intervention of UNO. Dr. Malan chooses to say that this was done "to blacken South Africa's name abroad", and in what must be regarded as a most outrageous action, confiscated the passports of the accredited representatives of South African Indians, Dr. Y. M. Dadoo and Dr. G. M. Naicker, the Presidents of the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses respectively, men who have earned widespread admiration and respect for statesmanlike leadership and tremendous suffering and sacrifices. To prevent Dr. Dadoo from giving information to UNO delegates, he was actually taken off the plane which was to take him to Paris. Apart from the injustice of the action (in the words of Justice Murray, who granted Dr. Dadoo an interdict restraining the Minister of the Interior from preventing his departure, "the liberty of the subject is affected here, which is a most serious matter"), it raises questions of a very serious character for all those who believe in the United Nations as the hope of mankind. The United Nations will be debating questions affecting the whole future of the Indians in South Africa, but their leaders are muzzled and may not exercise the elementary democratic right of furnishing information to the Assembly. Such actions by a member State, which pretends to subscribe to the principles of UNO, make a mockery of it and sap its moral foundations.

The Nationalist Party had a six-point programme to deal with the Indians:

(1) Repatriation. In collaboration with India and/or other countries to repatriate or transfer elsewhere as many Indians as possible.

(2) Indian "Penetration".Indian movement and penetration must be strictly controlled.

(3) The Cape. The Cape urban areas must be protected against Indian penetration.

(4) Mixed Living. The Indians must not be allowed to live amongst the other sections of the population.

(5) Trading Licence Restrictions. The granting of Trading Licences to Indians outside their own areas must be curtailed.

(6) Family Allowances. Family allowances to Indians must stop.

The Nationalist Government is already putting into practice their programme:

(1) Dr. Malan has made it clear that he is prepared to meet India and Pakistan at a round-table discussion only in order to discuss repatriation and not on the basis of the UNO resolution.

(2) An Act has been passed to deprive the Indian community of even the limited communal franchise offered to it in the 1946 Act. Although the Indian community has never accepted the communal franchise, it strongly condemns the motive that Indians shall not have any form of representation at all.

(3) The Minister of the Interior has stated that he is considering the appointment of a commission to investigate Indian penetration in the Cape Province and to impose further restrictions on the Indians in Natal.

(4) Dr. Malan declared in Parliament that complete segregation of the Indians is planned.

(5) The Minister of Social Welfare has cancelled all applications from Indians for State relief.

(6) As far as trading rights are concerned, Mr. Eric Louw's Department of Economic Affairs is expected shortly to promulgate restrictions on the issue of trading licences to Indians.

(7) Indians resident in South Africa for as much as 15 years and domiciled within the country are being deported to India for minor offences.

(8) The 1946 Act is being rigidly applied by the present Government and a growing number of prosecutions are taking place which threaten the livelihood of many Indian families.

India has appealed to the highest tribunal once again to give fresh and urgent consideration to her case against South Africa.

The situation as far as the Indians are concerned has deteriorated seriously and unless timely and firm action is taken, the Indian community in South Africa faces disaster, ruin and extinction.

Case for Immediate United Nations Intervention

The doctrine of the supremacy of the white race over the black races, which is the State doctrine of the Union of South Africa and which has set South Africa on the road to Fascism, is a direct challenge to all the concepts of freedom and equality for which mankind has fought and suffered through the ages. The world must not forget that the crime against the Jews in Germany was only a prelude to the greater crimes against all humanity. So the attacks against all who stand for human decency there.

Neither in thename of "white civilisation" nor in the name of "Christian Trusteeship" can the inhuman doctrine of race superiority be accepted in this age. The United Nations has many difficult problems before it, yet, despite its limitations, it has established a very high standard of judgement and impartiality. A very grave responsibility rests upon the United Nations. South Africa faces the prospects of racial conflicts on an unprecedented scale which not only menaces the African continent but the peace of the world. Can our civilisation rise to the challenge of the pernicious doctrine of race hatred?

The dark races which comprise the majority of the people of the world have their eyes on this session of the Assembly of the United Nations, hoping that this terror which destroys all their desires and aspirations for a better life, which herds them into ghettos, which robs them of human worth and dignity and which makes cattle of men, will not only be condemned as it has been in the past, but that effective action will be taken against it, and the first step taken to eradicate it.

Is the world going to stop Dr. Malan and his race-maniacs or is it going to show him the green light, that he may go ahead unhindered to build his fascist State?

Yusuf Mohamed Dadoo South Africa's Freedom Struggle: Statements, Speeches and Articles including Correspondence with Mahatma Gandhi

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