South African History Online

Address by President Nelson Mandela at a Luncheon of the conference of editors

6 September 1994

Mr. Chairman,
Honourable Editors,
Distinguished Guests,

Allow me to express my heartfelt thanks for the invitation to partake in such
a sumptuous meal and share some views with you.

I should confess that when Mr. Richard Steyn hinted at this event, I readily
obliged. I did so because no public figure in his or her right mind would not
jump at a rare opportunity to meet the doyen of the media: in civilised
parlance, "to share views"; yet in reality to seek to bring them round to his or
her point of view.

I sincerely hope that this discourse will be of benefit to both ourselves in
Government and to you in the media.

If reports of statements by public officials and related media comments are
anything to go by, relations between Government and sections of the media can be
said to be at a relatively low ebb, given the fact of the broad perspectives
that the democratic government and the media share.

Is it entirely unhealthy that this should be the case? What are the
perceptions feeding what could develop into an unproductive dog-fight?

My remarks will revolve around these issues; in particular, the vexed
question of the role of the media in our fledgling democracy.

Just over a hundred days ago, the world marveled at an achievement of epic
proportions by a nation almost written off as one of civil warriors and,
therefore, a nation of failures. Our society as a whole managed the elections
period and the inauguration in a manner that confounded even the worst of
skeptics.

But it was not uncommon then, as now, to find people in broader society and
in the media who saw in that achievement a misleading sense of tranquillity, a
proverbial quiet before the storm. But the storm didn't come.

So the advent of this storm was postponed, in the minds of the pessimists, to
the end of 100 days of the Government of National Unity - the "honeymoon
period", as some chose to call it. Yet the storm didn't come.

We are convinced - as government and as the ANC in particular - that such a
storm will not come. South Africa should not again experience conflict based on
racial, religious and ethnic differences. Rather, these attributes should form
the basis of our richness, our strength and our unique contribution to world
culture.

The formation of the Government of National Unity - premised on the interim
constitution and Charter of Fundamental Rights - has removed the most immediate
cause of the social antagonisms that rent our nation apart. Reinforced by the
goodwill manifest among all sectors of our population, this has underpinned the
almost miraculously peaceful transition that our country has experienced.

However, this is only the beginning of a long and hard journey to social
equity. Success in the implementation of reconstruction and development is the
sure guarantee for lasting peace and stability. This realisation has focused the
minds of all parties, within and outside the cabinet, towards the achievement of
the objectives of the RDP.

Differences do remain among all these diverse groups. They will and should
play themselves out in the open. This is healthy, in the context of our young
and vibrant democracy.

To come back to the theme of pessimism: I have deliberately said that
skeptics are to be found within society in general and in the media in
particular. This is to underscore a truism: that the media is not an institution
apart, divorced from society and deriving its ideas from some mysterious
force.

If there are parties and individuals in Government and in society who elect
to stake their worth on a conjured threat of disaster, so are such individuals
also to be found in the media. If there are business people who hesitate to
invest because they are skeptical about our ability to manage political and
economic transformation, so are such individuals also to be found in the media.
The opposite is also perfectly true. And this is entirely natural!

Yet we should continually challenge the kind of pessimism which can be
self-serving. That is, a state of mind that hopes for and unwittingly encourages
a social disaster, an approach to any developments from the point of view of
confirming a pessimistic prognosis.

For the media everywhere, this has always been a difficult balancing act over
the centuries. For, it is in the nature of your trade, and it is absolutely
crucial, that you should be searching, critical and even skeptical. At the same
time, you also have to exercise the responsibility of accurately reflecting the
hopes and fears, aspirations and apprehensions, optimism and pessimism as they
exist within society.

Perhaps this is the greatest new challenge facing South Africa's media. In
the abnormality of apartheid, it was much easier to strive simply to be normal
and defend that right. In the new situation of relative normalcy, the challenge
is to undergo what some would characterise as a transition from the sensation of
conflict to that of reconstruction and development.

To cite an example: One was quite surprised that only a few of the media
establishments noted, at all, the advent of the date of 1st September on which
the primary school feeding scheme was due to start. Reports that we have are
that 388 schools had by this date already started with the scheme, affecting
over 100, 000 children. Others were due to start phasing the programme in,
ultimately to cover about 4-million children.

But are these reports accurate? What are the positive experiences, weaknesses
and failures on the ground? By investigating and objectively reporting on such
issues, the media can play a crucial role in the building of a new society.

Mr. Chairman,

An area that has not received sufficient attention thus far is the deepening
and expansion of media freedoms.

Quite correctly, during the multi-party negotiations, the media drew
attention to the weaknesses in the formulation on "freedom of information". The
ANC will ensure that, in the drafting of the new constitution and Bill of
Rights, the qualifications which are inconsistent with international democratic
norms are done away with. In the meantime, the government, backed by civil
society, will urgently elaborate the principle of access to information in the
hands of the state, in the form of legislation. In doing so, we should stretch
to their limits, the provisions in the interim constitution.

There are a few other realities which impact on freedom of expression. In
brief, these include:

• Firstly, the ownership structure of South Africa's media - which is not
  only concentrated in a few hands, but reflects the patterns of racial
  exclusion characteristic of the old era.
• Secondly, the demographic composition of management, editorial executives
  and senior journalists which mirrors the same pattern.
• Thirdly, broader socio-economic issues such as illiteracy, poverty, lack
  of media skills, language constraints and so on, all of which limit the
  ability of the majority to exercise their freedom of expression.

Needless to say, all these factors do have a direct bearing on whether South
African media, as presently structured, can truly reflect the diverse views of
society as a whole!

You will agree with me that it is crucial for media establishments to act and
be seen to be taking the initiative in dealing with these matters: be it in the
form of unbundling, training, deployment of personnel or any other relevant
actions. On the other hand, the government needs to take urgent steps to create
conditions for the emergence of more commercial and community voices,
particularly among disadvantaged communities.

Within the electronic media, much progress is being made by the Independent
Broadcasting Authority - although the pace might not be to the satisfaction of
everyone.

Government is also faced with the urgent challenge of putting in place a
Government Information Service in tune with the realities of our times. This
entails the restructuring of bodies which, in the past, served the abominable
security-management strategies of the apartheid state. The aim is to have an
accessible, user-friendly Government Information Service, designed with the
participation of the media and the communities it is meant to serve.
Deputy-President Thabo Mbeki, who has been charged with this task, has already
started initiatives in this direction.

There is therefore a partnership that should develop in earnest between
democratic Government and the media, in pursuit of common interests. Such a
partnership should not be premised on the subservience of one to the other, or
on uncritical praise-singing. Rather, like any genuine partnership, it will have
its stormy moments, in the knowledge that democracy would be the ultimate
beneficiary. We know too well from our past experiences that robust and honest
exchange of opinions and criticism are necessary for any society to be truly
democratic and for any government to stay on course.

Mr. Chairman,

You will notice that I have elected not to touch on the matter of the
so-called "gravy train". I do not know much about Einstein's law of relativity
(on objects moving at very high speed), for me to immerse myself any further
into this debate. In case I am misunderstood, I am referring here to the speed
with which all sectors, within and outside Government, want preparations to be
completed for rational, informed and open debate to take place on this
issue.

Suffice it to note that, if the media reports, no matter how accurate or
inaccurate, have helped to make Government more sensitive in dealing with such
matters, then they have had a positive spin-off. However, to the extent that the
inaccurate ones harden attitudes and create unnecessary tension, they have been
most unfortunate.

I should once more thank you for this invitation. There are many other issues
that one would have wanted to raise. But, given the constraints of time, we felt
that these tentative views on media-related matters might serve as a good
starting point for future discourse.