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"Refugee Kaffirs in the Transvaal: lady much alarmed at camera" © South African Library's computerised Index to Illustrations, circa 1900.
The developement of guerrilla warfare after the occupation of the Boer capitals in 1900 meant the abandonment of conventional tactics: the civilian population of all races (mainly women and children) was drawn into the conflict directly. In an attempt to overcome Boer resistance, the British authorities, in September 1900, began to clear the countryside, relocating the inhabitants by force in seperate black and white 'refugee' or concentration camps.
African women on route to a concentration camp in the Orange Free State © Royal Regiment of Wales.
British military policy discouraged Black civilians from bringing foodstuffs into the concentration camps to create a situation of desperation, thus inducing the inmates to work for rations. These women carried their only belongings and foodstuffs on their heads and are being ‘shadowed' by a mounted soldier visible on the skyline. Women and children undertook most of the agricultural labour in the concentration camps, later run by the Department of Native Refugees.
In the Native Refugee Camp at Klerksdorp, washing the baby © Wilson, HW. After Pretoria: The Guerrilla War, Circa 1900.
The developement of guerrilla warfare after the occupation of the Boer capitals in 1900 meant the abandonment of conventional tactics: the civilian population of all races (mainly women and children) was drawn into the conflict directly. In an attempt to overcome Boer resistance, the British authorities, in September 1900, began to clear the countryside, relocating the inhabitants by force in seperate black and white 'refugee' or concentration camps.
Lizzie Van Zyl © Anglo-Boer War Museum, Bloemfontein 1902.
Emily Hobhouse tells the story of the young Lizzie van Zyl who died in the Bloemfontein concentration camp: "She was a frail, weak little child in desperate need of good care. Yet, because her mother was one of the 'undesirables' due to the fact that her father neither surrendered nor betrayed his people, Lizzie was placed on the lowest rations and so perished with hunger that, after a month in the camp, she was transferred to the new small hospital. Here she was treated harshly. The English disposed doctor and his nurses did not understand her language and, as she could not speak English, labelled her an idiot although she was mentally fit and normal. One day she dejectedly started calling:
Mother! Mother! I want to go to my mother! One Mrs Botha walked over to her to console her. She was just telling the child that she would soon see her mother again, when she was brusquely interrupted by one of the nurses who told her not to interfere with the child as she was a nuisance." Shortly afterwards, Lizzie van Zyl died.
The pioneer party of the last phase of the Satyagraha Campaign © Private collection 1913.
Gandhi's Satyagraha Campaign was a passive resistance campaign in protest against the legal restrictions on Indians and the tax law.The Campaign started in 1906 but by 1908 it had lost momentum. In March of 1913 the campaign got the impetus it needed to resume. In a judgement of the Supreme Court, Judge Searle refused to recognise Hindu and Muslim marriages. Angered by this, Indian women joined the Campaign for the first time. The participation of women passive resisters was a key element of the Satyagraha Campaign of 1913 - 1914.
9 October 1913. Gandi led 2000 striking miners, of the Natal collieries, from Newcastle to the Traansvaal in protest against the legal restrictions on Indians and the tax law. The marchers, including many women and children, crossed from Natal to the Transvaal.
© Private Collection 1913.
ICU women members, beer halls and boycotts © UNISA. 1929
The regulations placed on the brewing of home-made beer in Natal rural districts and small towns in 1928/29 were the backdrop to another hotbed of resistance on the part of African women. Beer-drinking was a popular social practice among Zulu men, while beer-brewing gave women an opportunity to make a small income and thus allow them to assert their independence. Women decided to take the matter into their own hands. Backed by the Natal branch of the ICU and joined by some men, they were determined to resist the new regulations, boycott the canteens and force them to close
AME Church's Widow's Mite Society. Charlotte Maxeke, an early black women activist is a member, sitting third from the left (front) © Private collection Circa 1920s
Natal Trade Unionists. Left to right: Errol Shanley, H.A. Naidoo. P.M. Harry, George Ponnen. © ORGANIZE... or STARVE! The History of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. Circa 1930s. In the 1930s trade unionism blossomed and women became more assertive.
Executive members of the National Liberation League. Cissie Gool is sitting in the front row fourth from the left. Gool was the first chairperson of the organisation. © District Six museum. Circa 1930.
District Committee of the Communist Party. Josie Palmer is in the front row second from the right, Ms Hilda Watts is on her left. © Communist Party Publication. 1945.
Indian Passive Resistance meeting (woman addressing the crowd). © Mayibuye Centre. 1946.
Passive Resistance 1946 was the second resistance movement waged by Indians in the country; the first was waged by Gandhi at the beginning of the century. The 1946 Campaign was seminal in the gestation of the anti-apartheid front, at home and abroad. it was the forerunner to the Defiance of Unjust Laws Campaign, organised jointly by the South African Indian Congress and African National Congress; it placed the issue of racism on the sanctions against South Africa. Women were greatly involved in the Campaign.
Indian Passive Resistance. A mass meeting in Johannesburg. © The University of Kwazulu Natal documentation centre. 1946-1948.
Passive Resistance 1946 was the forerunner to the Defiance of Unjust Laws Campaign, organised jointly by the South African Indian Congress and African National Congress; it placed the issue of racism on the sanctions against South Africa. Women were greatly involved in the Campaign.
Indian Passive Resistance. A mass meeting in Johannesburg. © The University of Kwazulu Natal documentation centre. 1946-1948.
Passive Resistance 1946 was the forerunner to the Defiance of Unjust Laws Campaign, organised jointly by the South African Indian Congress and African National Congress; it placed the issue of racism on the sanctions against South Africa. Women were greatly involved in the Campaign.
Men and women in a passive resistance camp in Durban. ©Private collection. 1946-1948.
Passive Resistance 1946 was the forerunner to the Defiance of Unjust Laws Campaign, organised jointly by the South African Indian Congress and African National Congress; it placed the issue of racism on the sanctions against South Africa. Women were greatly involved in the Campaign.
Lilian Ngoyi. ©Bailey's Archives. 1950's.
Another woman to come to the fore during the Defiance Campaign was Lilian Ngoyi, who later became president of both the ANCWL and FEDSAW. She had previously kept a very low profile and been involved in church-related organisations, but the Defiance Campaign made her realize that only by adopting a more aggressive and militant approach would the government be fully aware of the commitment of women to the national struggle for freedom.
Helen Joseph, Josie Palmer and Radima Moosa at a meeting in Johannesburg, 1956. There was an exhibition: 'Women of all lands', being shown at the same venue. © Bailey's archives . 1956.
The Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW or FSAW) was launched on 17 April 1954 in the Trades Hall in Johannesburg, and was the first attempt to establish a national, broad-based women's organisation. One hundred and forty-six delegates, representing 230,000 women from all parts of South Africa, attended the founding conference and pledged their support for the broadly-based objectives of the Congress Alliance. The specific aims of FSAW were to bring the women of South Africa together to secure full equality of opportunity for all women, regardless of race, colour or creed, as well as to remove their social, legal and economic disabilities. Ray Alexander was its firtst National Secretary, followed by Helen Joseph, and its first National President was Ida Mntawana, a charismatic and highly popular fighter from the western areas of Johannesburg. Later, Lilian Ngoyi was elected President.
The launch of the Freedom Charter. ©The Sowetan. 1956.
In August 1954 the Congress Alliance asked the FSAW to assist in organising the Congress of the People and the women agreed with enthusiasm. They were to help organise local bodies and recruit new grassroots support for the Alliance by holding house meetings and local conferences. This they did with great success in the opening months of 1955. In addition they took on the huge task of arranging accommodation for the more than 2 000 expected delegates. Their input gave the women an opportunity to lobby for the incorporation of some of their demands into the Freedom Charter adopted at the mass meeting. The Freedom Charter was launched in 1956.
Waiting for the Trucks, Sophiatown ©Jurgen Schadeberg. 1956.
The freehold suburb of Sophiatown was scheduled for removal by the government as early as 1953. Its very existence was in direct contradiction to the apartheid policy of geographically separating races. The destruction of Sophiatown was strenuously resisted. The residents vowed they would not move and organised a protest committee, backed by the ANC and the FSAW. But the authorities countered with a show of force that the residents could not match and resistance fizzled out. However, because African women were so traumatised by the incident, it had a politicising effect on them and many joined the ranks of the ANCWL and FEDSAW.
The leaders of the 1955 Women's March holding the petitions against passes. ©Jurgen Schadeberg. October 1955.
In September 1955 the issue of passes burst into the public eye again when the government announced that it would start issuing reference books to black women from January 1956. Women, now politicised and well-organised into a powerful resistance movement, immediately rose to the challenge. In October 1955 and August 1956, Women marched to the Union Buildings carrying petitions to protest against the pass laws. Both marches were organised by FEDSAW and led by four women who came from the white, coloured, Indian and black communities. (from left) Rahima Moosa, Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, and Sophie Williams.
Sophie Williams, Rahima Moosa, Helen Joseph and Lilian Ngoyi, leading the march to the Union Buildings, 9 August 1956. © Mayibuye Archives . 1956.
The 1956 Women's March was a spectacular success, 20 000 women marched to the Union Buildings carrying petitions to protest against the pass laws. In 1955 the number of women marching was 2000.
Women at the Union Building grounds on 9 August 1956. The law stated that Black women could not sit on the 'Whites only' benches. © Sunday Times. 1956.
The 1956 Women's March was a spectacular success, 20 000 women marched to the Union Buildings carrying petitions to protest against the pass laws. In 1955 the number of women marching was 2000.
Ruth First, journalist and activist (left) with a fellow ANC activist selling a copy of the 'new age newspaper'. This picture was taken during a recess of the Treason trial in Pretoria at the old synagogue in Paul Kruger Street, which was converted into a court. September 1958. © Bailey's Archives .
In a determined effort to try to curtail the national liberation movement, the government rounded up and arrested 156 leaders of the Congress Alliance. Among those detained were leading women such as Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Annie Silinga, Ruth First and Francis Baard . They were accused of plotting to overthrow the government, and were tried in the infamous Treason Trial that lasted for four and a half years. During this protracted period women of the FEDSAW and ANCWL helped to organise support for the treason trialists and their families.
The Black Sash demonstrated daily against the Apartheid Government outside the City Hall, Johannesburg. © Jurgen Schadeberg 1960. In 1955 a small group of white middle-class women who were predominantly English-speaking formed an organization called The Women's Defence of the Constitution League . Founder members were Jean Sinclair, Ruth Foley, Elizabeth McLaren, Tertia Pybus, Jean Bosazza and Helen Newton-Thompson. The organisation grew into an avenue for liberal women to oppose government policies by means of marches, convoys, demonstrations and vigils. It came to be called the Black Sash because the women wore black sashes over one shoulder as they stood to demonstrate against discriminatory legislation.
Annual SACTU conference. 18 March 1958. The photograph was taken by then banned photographer Eli Weinberg. © Mayibuye Archives. 1958. The inaugural conference for SACTU was held on 5 March 1955 in Johannesburg. SACTU emerged out of nineteen trade unions representing about 20 000 workers. The most important trade unions in SACTU were, the Food and Canning Worker's Union, The Textile Worker's Industrial Union and the National Union of Laundry, Cleaning and Dyeing Workers. From the beginning, SACTU committed itself to play a dual role of economic and political struggles.
Cato Manor Protests, Natal. © Private collection, Franco Fuscure . 1959. The Women of Cato Manor were at the forefront of the struggle against police raids to stop the brewing of traditional beer and the pass raids. They also fought against the appending forced removal from their informal settlement in Cato Manor. 1959-1960.
Cato Manor Protests, Natal. © Private collection, Franco Fuscure . 1959. The Women of Cato Manor were at the forefront of the struggle against police raids to stop the brewing of traditional beer and the pass raids. They also fought against the appending forced removal from their informal settlement in Cato Manor. 1959-1960.
Cato Manor Protests, Natal. © Bailey's Archives . 1959.
The Women of Cato Manor were at the forefront of the struggle against police raids to stop the brewing of traditional beer and the pass raids. They also fought against the appending forced removal from their informal settlement in Cato Manor. 1959-1960.
Sharpeville Massacre. Running from the violence after police open fire on the protesters. 1960. © Private collection, Franco Fuscure. 1960. As the 1950s gave way to the 1960s the ANC and PAC both announced plans to tackle the pass laws for blacks (both men and women) with massive protests, civil disobedience and pass burnings. There was a sense of rivalry between the two organisations to get their campaigns off the ground first. Suddenly the country was rocked by the events of 21 March in Sharpeville where people had gathered to show the police that they did not have their passes - and thus to invite arrest. In the general confusion and escalating tension of the situation, police shot and killed 69 people and an additional 180 people were injured.
Sharpeville Massacre. Two grief stricken young women being taken home after the one in the middle had viewed her husband's body twister into a lifeless bulk by police gunfire, opposite the Sharpeville police station. © Private collection, Franco Fuscure . 1960.
Dr Nad and Kanna Padayachee, Mrs Marie Naicker, Professor Fatima Meer and Dr Alan Paton lead a demonstration in observing silence for the victims of the Sharpville Massacre, outside Central Prison in Durban © Bailey's Archives. 1960.
Winnie Mandela (left) descends the steps of the Palace of Justice during the Rivonia Trial. Winnie Mandela is given permission to attend the Rivonia Trial on condition she does not dress or behave in a manner to cause "incidents". © Bailey's Archives. 1964. In October 1963 the Rivonia Trial began against ten people all accused of treason (trying to overthrow the government), and 221 acts of sabotage. The whole world was watching when the three major sabotage trials started in Pretoria, Cape Town and Maritzburg in December of 1963. Eight were found guilty in June 1964 of sabotage, planning and executing guerrilla warfare and working towards an armed invasion of the country. Nelson Mandela received his life sentence at this trial.
Albertina Sisulu celebrating with friends after her release from 90 days in a detainee's cell. © Bailey's Archives. 1963. Albertina Sisulu, wife of Walter Sisulu, was held after the sensational Rivonia raid in July 1963. By imprisoning leaders of MK and the ANC, the government was able to break the strength of the ANC inside South Africa. The ANC however also succeeded in increasing international criticism of apartheid and the United Nations condemned the trial and started steps to introduce sanctions. Over the next few years there were few acts of sabotage. Without an internal structure the ANC had great difficulty in planning and executing infiltration into South Africa. The late 1960s turned out to be very quiet as black people tried to reorganise themselves both inside South African and in exile. It became so calm that some people even began to think that they had accepted their position and that the government had managed to suppress oppression. As the ruling party, the NP government went about strengthening their position inside South Africa and improved the economic position of white people. The government's strategy was quite effective, until 1976 when mass resistance began again.
White university student protests against the Apartheid and Education system. University of Cape Town. © Private collection, Franco Fuscure . 1970s. The 1970s period was a watershed for youth politics in South Africa. The South African Student Organisation (SASO) was gathering support from campus to campus. Their activities were increasingly becoming radical and openly hostile to apartheid and white supremacist rule in general. The banning of SASO in October 1977 left students without a national body, but protest against university and school governing authorities continued on different campuses countrywide.
Winnie Mandela talking at the launch of the Black Women's federation in Durban. © Mayibuye Archives , Franco Fuscure . 1970s.
Marching kids, in a mood common to school kids the world over happy that they were not in class, good naturedly protesting against the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction at their schools. They march from Naledi Township, at the south western end of Soweto, collecting others on their route to Orlando East, the north eastern end of the vast complex. © Bailey's Archives. 1976.
The June 16 Uprisings were a protest by the students against the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in Black schools. They took place at a time when liberation movements were banned throughout the country and South Africa was in the grip of apartheid. The protest started off peacefully in Soweto but it turned chaotic when the police opened fire on unarmed protesting students. By the third day the unrest had gained momentum and spread to the townships around Soweto and other parts of the country.
Marching girls in shock after police opened fire on their peaceful protest. © Bailey's Archives. 1976.
The June 16 Uprisings were a protest by the students against the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in Black schools. They took place at a time when liberation movements were banned throughout the country and South Africa was in the grip of apartheid. The protest started off peacefully in Soweto but it turned chaotic when the police opened fire on unarmed protesting students. By the third day the unrest had gained momentum and spread to the townships around Soweto and other parts of the country.
Wits students protest march after June 16. © Rand Daily Mail . 1976.
The June 16 Uprisings were a protest by the students against the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in Black schools. They took place at a time when liberation movements were banned throughout the country and South Africa was in the grip of apartheid. The protest started off peacefully in Soweto but it turned chaotic when the police opened fire on unarmed protesting students. By the third day the unrest had gained momentum and spread to the townships around Soweto and other parts of the country.
June 16 Poster for a prayer service to pay respects to the lives lost in the tragic event. The June 16 Uprisings were a protest by the students against the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in Black schools. They took place at a time when liberation movements were banned throughout the country and South Africa was in the grip of apartheid. The protest started off peacefully in Soweto but it turned chaotic when the police opened fire on unarmed protesting students. By the third day the unrest had gained momentum and spread to the townships around Soweto and other parts of the country.
Steve Biko's Funeral. The family in mourning. © Bailey's Archives. 1977.
The Black Consciousness Movement, led by Steve Biko, was a new source of resistance that had arisen in the late 1960s among students who formed the student body SASO. The movement increased in significance when the Black People's Convention (BPC) was established in 1972. A number of women, such as Baleka Kgositsile, Winnie Mandela and Mamphela Ramphele were active in both the Black Consciousness Movement and the ANC underground.
'The young men and women tyrned up in numbers at the PAC meeting in Alexandra on Sunday. Mr Sobukwe, President of the PAC told them they were the poeple to be on the forefront when the forces of freedom marched.' © The Sowetan. 21 March 1979.
Welcome recognition for Black trade Unions. © The Star. 1979. In the 1960s the country's industrial economy had matured and by the 1970s black workers were becoming increasingly restless about exploitative working conditions. A number of strikes were held (particularly in Natal) in 1973 and between 1973 and 1975 many new trade unions were formed. Women such as Linda Komape and Emma Mashinini were prominent in trade unionism, fighting for the rights of women in the workplace.
Frances Baard speaking at the launch of the United Democratic Front © Rashid Lombard 1983. Many leaders from the 1976 uprising and late 70s were either imprisoned or exiled therefore the liberation struggle did not move forward much. The country realized that they needed flexible structures and leadership to survive in the future, as well as have a mass movement focus. This would facilitate the continuation of resistance even when the government imprisoned major leaders. One of the reasons why the 1980s became so violent and moved South Africa towards change, was because the opposition to apartheid became united and so active during this period. A very important organization during the 1980s was the United Democratic Front (UDF). The UDF was not so much one organization by itself, but rather a grouping of many different organizations all acting together. The UDF consisted of hundreds of women, student, church, trade union, cultural, sporting and other groups. The UDF was launched in Mitchell's Plain near Cape Town in 1983. About 600 delegates from more than 230 organisations and a crowd of about 13 000 people converged on the area.
Women Delegates at the UDF Launch. Helen Joseph (left), Solomon Mahlangu's mother (centre) and Amy Thornton (right). © Cedric Nunn. 1983. The UDF Launch gathering was the biggest crowd of anti-apartheid groupings since the mass meetings of the Congress Alliance in the 1950s. The UDF had more than 1, 5 million supporters. It mobilised nationwide resistance, led a series of boycotts, and became involved in labour issues. Many women activists were banned and went in to exile, women who remained in South Africa began to establish women's organisations again and to align these to the newly-formed UDF, which was widely described as the 'ANC in disguise'.
Kate Philip speaks to the delegates at the launch of the UDF. The launch took place at the Rocklands Civic Centre, Mitchell's Plain © Cedric Nunn, 20th August 1983.
The gathering was the biggest crowd of anti-apartheid groupings since the mass meetings of the Congress Alliance in the 1950s. The UDF had more than 1, 5 million supporters. It mobilised nationwide resistance, led a series of boycotts, and became involved in labour issues. Many women activists were banned and went in to exile, women who remained in South Africa began to establish women's organisations again and to align these to the newly-formed UDF, which was widely described as the 'ANC in disguise'.
Memebers of the Natal Indian Congress protesting against the visit of PW Botha. The protest was held outside the Durban City Hall where Botha was meeting with members of the Conservative South African Indian Council and Indian bussiness leaders. The picture includes Prof Fatima Meer (left) and Dr Naicker (right), son of Dr Monty Naicker). All the demonstrators were arrested by the police © Omar Badsha. 1980s
The government tried to make the gap between Indian and Coloured and African more defined. This was done through the new constitution that the NP government introduced in 1983. The Constitution created a new parliamentary system (called the Tricameral Parliament), which created different houses, or sections, of the government. Under the new constitution, a State President (no longer a Prime Minister, but holding the power of the old President and Prime Minister) led South Africa. This constitution angered the coloured, Indian and Black community's.
Mrs Sisulu (centre) and executive members of the Natal Organisation of Women at the launch of NOW © Omar Badsha 1984.
The Natal Organisation of Women was formed in December 1983 as one of the affiliates of the UDF. From as early as 1980 women from Durban had been coming together on an annual basis to commemorate August 9th (now National Women's day). The organizers of the August 9th events discussed the need for an ongoing programme that would unite women and deal with women's issues. In December 1983 NOW was formed. The first president was Pumzile Mlambo (later to become South Africa's first female deputy president)
Dorothy Nyembe, imprisoned for being a member of the banned AAANC's military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, is welcomed home to KwaMashu township, Durban, after spending fifteen years in prison © Omar Badsha 1984.
Albertina Sisulu, a leader of the UDF, briefs a group of women before they embark on a national women's day picket in Johannesburg © Paul Weinberg. August 1984. The 1980s was a period in which the highest level of strikes in South African history was recorded. The most intense and sustained struggle between the mass democratic movement and the apartheid state occurred between 1984 and 1986. Workers, students, youth, women, the unemployed and villagers in remote rural areas rose up in unprecedented numbers to end their oppression. It was this mass uprising that eventually made the apartheid system unworkable and forced the authorities to seek a negotiated settlement with the liberation movements.
Women from the Crossroads squatter camp demonstrate outside parliament demanding protection from Witdoek (white headband vigilantes for the right to rebuild their bent-out hopes). Cape Town. June 1986 © Guy Tillim 1986. The 1980s saw escalating state repression and mass detentions. In a frenzy of desperate reaction, the government declared a series of back-to-back states of emergency from 1985 to 1987. Conflict rose to unprecedented heights and even went beyond black-white unrest, with Inkatha clashing with the ANC/UDF and breaking their ties. Press freedom was restricted; there was turmoil everywhere and South Africa had in effect become a police state.
The founding congress of CASATU, University of Kwazulu Natal © Omar Badsha 1985. There was an unprecedented level of resistance in factories and black communities in the 1980s over economic and political issues. In fact it was a period in which the highest level of strikes in South African history was recorded. As large-scale political organisations like the UDF emerged it became necessary to form an umbrella federation of trade unions. After protracted negotiations the Congress of South African Trade Unions COSATU was formed in November 1985. At the time of its establishment it had more than 462 000 members and by 1991 this number had grown to more than 1 258 800. The largest proportion of its members came from the manufacturing and mining sectors. The activities of Cosatu became closely linked to the wider liberation struggle. Women like Emma Mashinini were instrumental in its formation. .
Helen Joseph (back) and mourners at the memorial service for Victoria Mxenge, who was assassinated by government agents. Durban © Omar Badsha 1985.
The insurrection of the 1980s was fundamentally different from previous struggles against white minority rule, both in its scope and militancy. As a result there was an increase in bannings, exiles, detentions and assassinations.
Students at Lamontville High School protest against South African Defense Force attacks on African National Congress refugees in Zimbabwe and Zambia © Omar Badsha .1986. 1980s quote: 'Today, although the people are struggling, there is to much pressure from the government. Too many people are being killed. In the 1950s the policemen were seen more as men of the law. Today to see a policeman is to see a gun.... The people experiencing mass removals suffer the most and the children suffer the most.' - Albertina Sisulu
A delegation of women from the Food and Allied Workers Union participate in the Congress of South African Trade Unions cultural day, Johannesburg. July 1987 © Jeeva Rajgopaul. 1987.
Walter Sisulu is released from prison, Albertina Sisulu is on his right and Archbishop Desmond Tutu is in the centre © Mayibuye Archives.
October 1989. By the end of the 1980s South Africa had in effect become a police state. When Botha suffered a stroke in 1989 and FW de Klerk took over it had become abundantly clear that a process of reform had to begin. He released a group of prominent political prisoners, including Walter Sisulu and began to consult with them.
Nelson Mendela is freed from prison. His wife, Winnie Mandela, is on his left. © topfoto. co.uk. 1990. Opening parliament On February 2, 1990, South African President F.W. De Klerk announced the unbanning of the African National Congress , the Pan African Congress , the South African Communist Party , and the release of Nelson Mandela . The news was mostly received with euphoria in South Africa and celebrated worldwide. De Klerk also announced the review and change of South Africa's foreign policy. February 2, 1990 therefore marks a turning point, a watershed in South African history, away from apartheid and towards a new democratic future.
Members of the Food and Canning Workers Union awaiting the arrival of Ray Alexander from exile. Ray Alexander was the former general secretary of the organisation and one of the founding members of the women's federation. Cape Town. © Omar Badsha. 1990. By the time the 1980s drew to a close the revolt against the government, increased international pressure and the regime's counter-revolution of oppression had reduced the country to a state of anarchy. FW de Klerk realized that reform had to take place various negotiation processes began to take place e.g. The Groote Schuur Minute, CODESA 1 and 2, and the Multi-party negotiations process. What is relevant here is that women activists began to return to South Africa to take up senior political posts and make an active contribution in the progress towards democracy.
Returned exiles and veterans of the South African Communist Party at the launch of the SACP, Guguletu, Cape Town. © Omar Badsha. 1990s.
By the time the 1980s drew to a close the revolt against the government, increased international pressure and the regime's counter-revolution of oppression had reduced the country to a state of anarchy. FW de Klerk realized that reform had to take place various negotiation processes began to take place e.g. The Groote Schuur Minute, CODESA 1 and 2, and the Multi-party negotiations process. What is relevant here is that women activists began to return to South Africa to take up senior political posts and make an active contribution in the progress towards democracy.
Anti war rally regarding the Inkatha Freedom party and African National Congress conflict of the Nineties Soweto. South Africa. © Greg Marinovich, 1991. In the late 1980s and early 1990s conflict rose to unprecedented heights and even went beyond black-white unrest, with Inkatha clashing with the ANC/UDF and breaking their ties. Press freedom was restricted; there was turmoil everywhere and South Africa had in effect become a police state.
Clipping source : disa.nu.ac.za. 1991. Soon after the unbanning of the ANC and its structures towards the end of 1990, the ANC Women's League lobbied all the women's organisations to set up a coalition. The task of this coalition would be to do research, co-ordinate, and draw up a women's charter based on the priorities and concerns of women from all walks of life throughout the country. The National Women's Coalition was launched early in 1991, and started working on the Women's Charter immediately. The charter was completed in 1994 and was handed over to Mandela in parliament. The issues of concern to women that were listed in this women's charter were then incorporated in the new constitution and into the Bill of Rights. The Women's National Coalition now focuses on training for parliamentary and local government candidates and community leaders and plays a key role in adult basic education and gender training.
Opening day of the CODESA negotiations. © Graeme Williams, December 1991.
The first plenary session of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began on December 21 1991, at the World Trade Centre in Johannesburg. Chief Justice Michael Corbett opened the Convention with Petrus Shabort and Ismail Mohamed as presiding judges. About 228 delegates from nineteen political parties attended and pledged their commitment to negotiations by signing the Declaration of Intent. Absent from the Convention was the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) which had withdrawn from negotiations a few days earlier. The PAC believed that negotiations should be held outside the country under the stewardship of a neutral party, such as the United Nations or the Organisation of African Unity . Other more extremist organisations such as the Conservative Party and Azanian People's Organisation also did not attend.
A woman walks to work during clashes in Tokoza May 22, 1993. Fighting between the ANC and Inkatha, and the police, claimed tens of thousands of lives. © Greg Marinovich. 1993. Even though the process toward democracy had begun many parties and communities in South Africa were unhappy with the way the negotiations were going. Violence escalated in the 1990-1994 period with more than 700 people dying violently in the first eight months of 1990. People were beginning to fear civil war.
Members of the ANC and its ally's protest against the state sponsored violence in Natal. Cape Town. © Omar Badsha. 1993. Even though the process toward democracy had begun, violence escalated in the 1990-1994 period with more than 700 people dying violently in the first eight months of 1990. People were beginning to fear civil war.
Grafitti endorsing supporters of the Pan Africanist Congress and their armed wing Apla in Umtata, Transkei homeland. © Greg Marinovich. 1993. Even though the process toward democracy had begun many parties and communities in South Africa were unhappy with the way the negotiations were going. Violence escalated in the 1990-1994 period with more than 700 people dying violently in the first eight months of 1990. People were beginning to fear civil war. The PAC were absent from the CODESA negotiations. They had withdrawn from the negotiations a few days before they were due to begin because the PAC believed that negotiations should be held outside the country under the stewardship of a neutral party.
Front row, Left to right: Dawie De Villiers, Pik Botha, President FW De Klerk, Gen Magnus Malan, Kobie Coetzee. Rear centre is Adriaan Vlok during one of the last portrait sessions of the last all white South African Cabinet at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. © Greg Marinovich. 1993. All the major parties had agreed to participate in the general elections scheduled for 27 April 1994 and began campaigning for votes in earnest.
South Africa,Sebokeng, Gauteng - election rally. © Paul Weinberg. 1994.
All the major parties had agreed to participate in the general elections scheduled for 27 April 1994 and began campaigning for votes in earnest. The ANC appeared to be the clear favourite from the outset. Excitement mounted as election fever took hold. Most South Africans had never voted in their entire lives. On 27 April 1994 South Africans formed long queues at polling stations throughout the country. A spirit of goodwill prevailed and all violence (contrary to expectations) came to a halt. The result was a landslide victory for the ANC: it gained 62, 65% of the votes and proved to be the most popular party, the only party indeed, to have countrywide popular support. In the National Assembly the ANC therefore held 252 of the 400 seats. Nelson Mandela, as the leader of the ANC, became the new president of South Africa.
TRC - Benzine and wetbag torture demo. © George Hallet/South Photographs. 1994.
Soon after the election in 1994, the new Minister of Justice, Dullah Omar, proposed the idea of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The commission was set up in 1995 and statements were heard by more than 20 000 people, including women. No women applied for amnesty. In 1996 a new constitution (with provision for women's rights) was introduced and importantly for women, a Commission for Gender Equality was set up. The first 10 years of democracy have been remarkable in many ways but there are still a number of crucial challenges to be met.
Carrying firewood, Nyavini, Kwazulu Natal. © Liam Lynch. One of the most important issues for women in South Africa has always been that of poverty. During the Apartheid years, black women were forced into the rural areas to live off the land, without opportunities and choices allowing them to build decent lives for themselves. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and the South African NGO Coalition (SANGOCO) convened a series of ten hearings on poverty between March and June 1998, where nearly 600 people presented oral evidence on poverty in their communities.
Assault victim, Julesburg Clinic Northern Province. © Liam Lynch
In the new millennium South African society remains a pluralist one with huge cultural diversities, and there are many challenges ahead. Furthermore, in modern-day South Africa women are faced with a wide range of issues such as the high crime rate, domestic violence, child abuse, HIV/AIDS, poverty, poor local government delivery and unemployment. Motherhood is still central to most women's lives across the board and women's role in family life is still the basis of a morally sound, orderly society. Although great strides have been made, gender discrimination still takes place in the workplace, and while there are notable exceptions, women are as yet poorly represented in top managerial and executive posts country-wide.
Ndaya water project, Umbumbulu, Kwazulu Natal. © Jeeva Rajgopaul.
Poverty alleviation and education is of huge priority to the government. The government has initiated a public works program with the multiple objectives of providing poverty relief and developement, income generation and empowering the poor. Stella Sigcau was made minister of the Public Works department and many women have become very involved program. Rural women have benefited greatly from their involvement in the various programs.
Paediatric examination, Julesburg Clinic, Northern Province. © Liam Lynch.
According to the South African constitution, all people have the right to have access to health care services, including reproductive health care. One has to evaluate the government policies and programs to alleviate the plight of women within the context of the constitution, stated policy of the government and how far it has met its own goals and the demands of the people and women in particular. While South Africa has come a long way towards providing health care for all it's people, there is still much room for improvement - particularly in poverty-stricken rural areas where women and children are very vulnerable. The biggest obstacle the country is facing is the escalating incidence of AIDS-related illnesses and deaths (especially high among women), and until the HIV/AIDS pandemic stabilizes, it will continue to hamper the road to a better life for all South Africans.
HIV (Aids) protest at an Aids conference. Durban. © Paul Weinberg, South Photographs. 2000.
Aids activist are incredibly active in South Africa and many protest have been organised. Most are around the issue of Anti-retrovirals and the government making them more widely available to the South African public. Women have been at the forefront of the struggle against the disease.
PAC firebrand MP, Patricia Delille, asks president Mbeki, why he states that anti-retroviral AIDS drugs are too toxic to give to poor AIDS sufferers and yet there are members of parliament who are taking them, during an AIDS debate, in parliament. © Rodger Bosch, October 2001.
One of the most active HIV (Aids) activists in the country is Pratricia de Lille. Between 1994 and 1999, she was the chairperson of the Transport committee and the chief whip for the PAC in parliament. She also served in various portfolio committees including Health, Mineral and Energies, Trade and Industry, Communication, the rules committee and the codes of ethics. Ironically, de Lille used the very same rule of floor crossing that she fiercely opposed in parliament to break away from the Pan Africanist Congress to form her own political party, Independent Democrats in 2003. She retained her seat in parliament.
PAC firebrand MP, Patricia Delille, asks president Mbeki, why he states that anti-retroviral AIDS drugs are too toxic to give to poor AIDS sufferers and yet there are members of parliament who are taking them, during an AIDS debate, in parliament. © Rodger Bosch, October 2001.
One of the most active HIV (Aids) activists in the country is Pratricia de Lille. Between 1994 and 1999, she was the chairperson of the Transport committee and the chief whip for the PAC in parliament. She also served in various portfolio committees including Health, Mineral and Energies, Trade and Industry, Communication, the rules committee and the codes of ethics. Ironically, de Lille used the very same rule of floor crossing that she fiercely opposed in parliament to break away from the Pan Africanist Congress to form her own political party, Independent Democrats in 2003. She retained her seat in parliament.
Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka. Picture: Unknown.
When Thabo Mbeki announced in 2005 that the newly appointed deputy president was to be Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, history was made. She became the first woman deputy president of South Africa. The appointment was certainly well-deserved. She is a woman who believes that women need not feel disadvantaged, or need to defer to men, simply because they are women. She has an impressive record not only of welfare work among her people but also as an educator, a campaigner for women's rights and a senior politician.
Women in Parliament. © Government Communication and Information System.
Now, in the 21st Century the number of women in official posts at all three levels of government is impressively high. This bears out the terms of the Women's Charter that there will be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Currently women make up 33 percent of the cabinet. Women are also prominent in the diplomatic service. This is indeed a far cry far cry from the days under the minority white government when Helen Suzman stood alone as a woman in parliament.

IMBOKODO - The Rock

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