‘I am prepared to lay down my life for freedom’, Gumede, 1928.
Introduction
As the first President-General to represent the ANC officially in Moscow, Gumede’s Russian hosts remained hopeful that Gumede would seek a permanent courtship with the CPSA and give effect to the ideals of the new Black republic thesis. For Gumede the stakes were undoubtedly very high. Many of the old guard within the ANC remained wary of Communism. Furthermore, the chiefs, the financial pillars of the ANC, had no doubts what Communism betokened for their respective positions as salaried government officials. The chiefs regretted Gumede’s increasing radicalism. In the light of this background, the crucial questions were: whether or not Gumede would succeed in uniting the different ethnic groups in South Africa against racism and colonialism, what his stance would be with regard to the African republic thesis, whether he would succeed in his pursuit of an alliance between the ANC and the CPSA and how he would attempt to persuade Congress to move in a more militant direction?
THE NATIVE HAS BEEN A COMMUNIST FROM TIME IMMEMORIAL
Gumede arrived in Cape Town on 17 February 1928 after the last trip he would ever take abroad. The following evening Gumede was given a heroic reception at a combined ANC-CPSA mass meeting in Waterkant Street. In his address La Guma elaborated on his latest negotiations with the Comintern. Propagating the latest approach to the national question in the country, La Guma emphasised that the Russian Communists were looking forward to the day when a Black republic would be proclaimed in South Africa. Gumede immediately set out to impress upon the meeting that the ANC and the CPSA were natural allies, since both had the same aim in the medium term, namely African liberation:
Fellow slaves, I am not a Communist, but a friend of these who extended their hands of friendship to the Africans. The South African and the National Parties do nothing but to oppress us. The British have failed us dismally. I am today anti-British. England has made herself an enemy of the Africans. The Afrikaners called in the aid of Britain to oppress us further. Of all the parties, the Communists alone stood by us and protested when we were shot down.
Gumede drew parallels between the Russian and Africans’ struggle against oppression: The Russians were oppressed like the natives in South Africa. Today they are a free nation. There is complete equality between the races overseas. When will racism disappear from the South African scene? More important was Gumede’s unequivocal support of the new African republic resolution. Speaking with intense emotion, Gumede slated the government for passing legislation which had “robbed the Africans of their land”. He stated that he would “fight for the return of our land even if I have to die” (applause).
Gumede concluded his speech with an appeal for united action to fight the government:
We are heavily taxed without representation in parliament, we are surrounded by Pass Laws. We must not accept this oppression much longer. We must start a resistance campaign. If we cannot achieve our freedom, life is not worth living. I am prepared to lay down my life for my struggle. Away with oppression. Away with slave legislation. Underlying Gumede’s address was a realisation that his first six months as President-General had proved in many respects to be a period during which hopes for himself as well as his followers had been shattered. Hopes pinned on sympathetic treatment from the pact government had been replaced by an ever-growing disillusionment among Blacks. During Gumede’s three months absence, the conservatives within the ANC adhered to the notorious “hostility clause” of the Native Administration Act of 1927 which forbade the promotion of any feelings of hostility between Natives and Europeans.556 As for Gumede, the Moscow and Brussels Congresses had endorsed his resolute call to break the bondage of racial oppression in South Africa, the possibility of being arrested or banished to remote rural areas notwithstanding.
Following La Guma and Gumede’s championing of the African republic resolution, a majority of members on the central executive of the CPSA not only distanted themselves from the new Comintern directives, but openly challenged the Comintern’s authority. Bunting had already started to discredit the resolution in a fourteen-page document, claiming inter alia that the slogan was unjust, directed as it was against the white workers who were potentially more revolutionary than an African bourgeoisie which barely existed, and that a future African republic could not afford to dispense with the technical assistance and cooperation of sympathetic whites. Contrary to Bunting’s shallow misrepresentations of the resolution, La Guma reiterated his call for the establishment of African majority rule which would lead to socialism. La Guma’s stance found considerable support among the African membership of the CPSA, which is reported to have risen from 200 in 1927 to 1600 (out of a total of 1750) in 1928.
African Communists and the rank and file in Congress rallied round Gumede on his arrival in Johannesburg on 25 February. A procession headed by a band led Gumede in a taxi from the Union grounds en route to the African Club, where Gumede addressed the gathering “from a window on the first floor”.557 Gumede repeated his calls for cooperation with the CPSA. Three hundred CPSA and ANC members attended the ANC meeting the following night to listen to Gumede’s international adventures. According to police reports Gumede spoke for over an hour, during which he criticised the heavy taxation imposed on the Africans who were paying the salaries of those men employed by the African Department. Gumede had also urged his ANC followers not only to acknowledge and appreciate the political role of the CPSA, but also to welcome the latter as an intimate ally in the struggle of Congress.
The whole of the political parties in Government are there to oppose the Blacks. One party, namely the CPSA which had no representation as yet in parliament, fights for the rights of the Black races. Gumede’s report on the Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union was received with enthusiasm by the Central Executive of the CPSA in Johannesburg.559 Available evidence indicates that the independent African republic resolution was not placed on the agenda. Instead both parties concentrated on the question of closer cooperation. Gumede’s role in the unionising of the African workers on the Rand should not be underestimated. In March 1928 five or six African unions with a total membership of approximately 10,000 formed the South African Federation of Non-European Trade Unions. But if activity among Africans workers was a priority, the goal of this activity remained the reconciliation of the Black and White proletariat. Once again Gumede fulfilled an important role in this regard.
Gumede’s priority was to remove any signs of mistrust and antagonism between the African and the Afrikaner worker. Their common enemy, according to Gumede, was the foreign (British) capitalist. Speaking at Marabastad, Pretoria, Gumede proclaimed: Understand the boers who have no where to go. When you sink down, the boers will sink down. Boers and natives must put their heads together and rule the country together. No one can deny the fact that Boer and Bantu are sweating for the capitalist and all the cream is going to England. As shown by scholars, the Boers were not at all interested in co-operation with the African proletariat.561 Gumede continued to stir the African proletariat throughout the entire Witwatersrand into action. At the centre of all his speeches was the Africans’ quest for freedom. Gumede had taken as his motto the fundamental truism that freedom, justice and equality were indissolubly linked. Gumede was convinced that their struggle for freedom was not an easy road. Inspired by the Russian Revolution which brought an end to the despotic rule of the Czar, Gumede advocated immediate action against racial discrimination and oppression.
What conduct would we adopt towards a tyrant? If you answer you would do nothing, I would then ask you why we had killed Chaka, why the English killed Charles I and why the French had killed Louis? I would not remain quiet until I had obtained freedom and would not be satisfied until we were represented in parliament. Everyone has the right to demand that which was his inheritance.
The curious thing is that, despite all his praises of the Russian Revolution and fiery speeches, Gumede tried to honour his Christian faith. Unlike Marx, Lenin and Stalin who all despised religion, Gumede’s Christianity served as a powerful and ever present influence as he propagated a policy of reconciliation between the Africans and the Afrikaners:
I believe in God and religion. Our last hope now is in God and we must send our hopes to God. Do not hate anybody as God does not hate anyone. Love those who hate you and God will be on your side. Understand the boers of South Africa who have nowhere to go. Boers and Natives must put their heads together and rule the country together. Gumede’s christian background stirred him to speak out against the unchristian policy of the Hertzog government. Gumede even referred to Hertzog as “just another first class imperialist who instead of repealing some of the unjust laws, has made more laws to oppress the African people”.
As Gumede set out to propagate the aims of the League Against Imperialism and the new African republic resolution, the Pact government felt threatened and took counter-measures. In Greytown, Natal, a ban on Africans’ political meetings was introduced under the Native Administration Act. Africans gave vent to their anger against this ban by damaging tombstones in a White graveyard. This resulted in an outbreak of racial violence marked by attacks of the White anti-ICU leagues on the local premises of the ICU.565 Gumede resented the repressive action of the Natal government. Addressing an ANC meeting on 6 March Gumede strongly criticised the violent actions of the White radicals in Natal.566 Gumede expressed his determination to emancipate his people and win national independence for all in South Africa, Black and White. To allay the
fears of the old guard for the CPSA, Gumede argued that “others are persuaded to be Communists. The native has been a Communist from time immemorial. We are disorganised, that is all”.
“Such contrasts with their own lives electrified his audiences”, wrote Douglas Wolton, “and contributed enormously towards stimulating the new hopes which were sweeping through the Bantu People”.568 The investment which the League Against Imperialism had made in arranging for Gumede’s trip to Russia appeared to pay dividends. At the same time, the Comintern regarded Gumede as instrumental in their drive to create a united front of the oppressed masses of South Africa. A decisive victory in the direction of linking up the different anti-government organisations and trade unions was scored in March 1928 when delegates from the ANC, CPSA, APO, TUC and African trade unions formed the “Free Speech Movement” in Johannesburg.569 Gumede was elected chairman with Wolton of the CPSA as his secretary. In Wolton, Gumede found an ‘Englishman’ who ranged himself on La Guma’s side in his support of the African republic thesis. As editor of the Party’s newspaper, Worker, Wolton gave expression to the demands of the African proletariat.
The ICU refused to cooperate with the CPSA in the Free Speech Movement. Responding to Kadalie’s indifference, Gumede held that the ANC would“ pursue its course of uniting the South African natives to help themselves”. At the beginning of April 1928 Gumede travelled to Bloemfontein to attend the annual conference of the Upper House of the ANC.571 Gumede knew that his “appraisal of the Russian Revolution” would be met with strong opposition from the old guard. Selope Thema and Bennet Ncwana in particular opposed his overnight affiliation to the Communist philosophy.572 Following Kadalie’s refusal to join the Free Speech Movement, Gumede and Kadalie“ did not see eye to eye”. Commenting upon the nature of the relationship between the two organisations, The Friend reported: There does not seem to be much antipathy between them, nor much affection.
A little mutual jealousy by the one of the growing power of the other is the characteristic common of their relationship. Since the ICU Congress had been arranged for the same date and hall, ICU delegates were inaguandary and eventually allowed to attend the ANC conference. The stage was set for an ideological clash when Bunting and Wolton of the CPSA were admitted to the meeting. For Gumede, who had grown tired of calls for tolerance, Deane, the Ex-mayor of Bloemfontein’s address was in a typically paternalistic spirit. Deane held that the African“ had not done a great deal for civilisation during his centuries of occupation”. Referring to the CPSA delegates, Deane warned Congress not to ally themselves with “agitators” who may advocate violence.574 Responding to Deane’s praising of White supremacy, Gumede pointed out that the actual deterioration of African affairs should be laid at the feet of the Union government:
It was true that Black and White live together, but while the Black man had played his part well, the White man had failed deplorably. The Black man had been deprived of his rights and was landless, because his colour was against him. Many cases of shooting Natives had come before the courts, and those convicted had been discharged. When they erred and wept, what did the Government do but pass the Native Administration Bill to prevent them from crying out against these atrocities.
Continuing, Gumede demanded the removal of the colour bar, which was retarding Africans’ economic progress: Although the White man provided employment, they are underpaying the African worker. We are nothing but slaves. As regards their exclusion from the participation in the government, Gumede was clear:
The White man should open the door and let the Black man be represented in Parliament by his own colour. Class laws today were an abuse of power, held by one section.
In conclusion, he contested that they had “no agitators in their ranks, and asked that promises made to the Africans should be fulfilled”.576 Gumede had hardly finished his address, when the members of the old guard moved in. Chief Pamla assured the chairman, Sol Harris, and other White government dignitaries that the Africans of his country (Transkei) “would never resort to force”. Pamla, rather optimistically, claimed that the Africans could resort to litigation, failing which they could go to the League of Nations. Likewise, Makgatho, who had once complimented Gumede for his dedication to the ANC in 1921, warned Gumede and his rank and file followers not to influence Africans against the authority of the country.
The finger-pointing was not yet over. In his presidential address Gumede slated the Native Administration Act, for granting arbitrary powers to the Governor-General:
Both the civilised and the uncivilised and ordinary Native living in his primitive state, are subject to the autocratic rule of the Supreme Chief (Governor-General). Obviously, this retrogressive step is influenced by the policy of segregation, a policy which does not regard the Bantu people as an integral part of the national life of this country.
Delegates were about to adjourn when Joseph Moshesh of Matatiele drew his political knife on Gumede. Moshesh claimed to be distressed by press reports alleging that members of the ANC were fraternising with the CPSA, the “most dangerous party in the world”. Moshesh was intent on driving a wedge between Gumede and the chiefs, hence he alleged: It was the Communists who had brought Russia to its present state. What happened to the Csar and his family? No one can tell what became of them.
The Csar was of royal blood, the same as you, chiefs, and where is he now? Continuing, Moshesh reminded his audience how Kadalie had driven the Communists out of the ICU. Moshesh proposed that any members fraternising with the CPSA “could not continue as members of the ANC”. Furthermore Moshesh moved a motion calling on the Council to place on record its opposition to the affiliation to any Native or non-Native organisation which aimed at the disunion of the Black and White races. Rakaune, ANC Provincial President of the Free State, in seconding the motion, concurred in all that the mover had said.579 He also maintained that the affiliation of the ANC to the CPSA would damage the cause of the ANC. Furthermore Rakaune held that many of his members were dissatisfied with the affiliation.
Little historical knowledge is needed to realise that Congress was split over the question of whether or not to work with the CPSA. The old guard was determined to put an end to, what Benson labelled the “Bolshevizing” of the ANC.580 By accusing the CPSA of plotting the death of the chiefs as well as trying to divide the Black and White races, the real culprit, namely the Hertzog Government was let off the hook. Gumede, in turn, stated boldly that he was fully aware of the campaign against him and decried the politics of division.
Yet he refused to denounce communism and the CPSA in particular: The Communists were the nearest to the natives for they worked for the salvation of the oppressed. They were also the people who protested against the shooting of Natives at Bulhoek. Kadalie had expelled them from the ICU, but there was nothing to prevent any Coloured person from joining the ANC. I, the speaker, did not know anything about the CPSA before I went to Europe. But after reading a certain speech by Hertzog, I came to the conclusion that the Government was afraid of the Communists. It was then that I looked about to see who these people were. The chiefs had forgathered to discuss the laws affecting them. The question of Communism had been introduced to cause a division in our ranks. There were White Communists present at the meeting taking notes. And why shouldn’t they?
To secure his own position, Gumede stressed that there was no formal connection between the ANC and the CPSA and assured the chiefs that they had to be consulted “should the ANC affiliate to any other body”. Moshesh was prepared to let Gumede off the hook. Consequently he withdrew his resolution and expressed the hope that Congress “would have nothing to do with the CPSA”. Bennett Ncwana, who ironically paid tribute and even accompanied Gumede on his tour to the Eastern Province in 1921582 , was not satisfied with Gumede’s reply. He was eager to prove Gumede’s“ conspiracy” with the Communists. Gumede, by then very emotional, rejected Ncwana’s allegations and told the latter that he was not worried about “dogs barking at him”, a remark he was later forced to withdraw.
Gumede’s battle with the old guard was not over yet. He still needed to report on his visit to Russia. Referring to his participation in the World Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union in Moscow, Gumede pointed out:
I found there representatives of the various oppressed peoples of the world. There were Indians, Japanese, Chinese, Mexicans, Negroes from America, and representatives of the White working classes of Europe and America. All these people were in sympathy with the great Russian republic. He elaborated on the nature of speech in Moscow. I told them that in South Africa the Black people had been deprived of their land and were labouring under discriminating and oppressive laws. The Black people had no voice in the Government of the country, which formerly belonged to them. Our position was that of serfs.
Gumede proceeded to tell the delegates about his experiences in Russia: When I left South Africa I was under the impression that in Russia people were not safe. But what I saw there surprised me. I saw a new Jerusalem. I found people happy, contended and prosperous. The Government of Russia is the Government of the working classes. Today in Russia the land belongs to the people. Referring to the position of the Church in Russia, Gumede repudiated the claims common in SA to the effect that the Russian people were opposed to all forms of religion:
In Russia I had seen many church buildings but I had to admit the truth that the Church of Basil had been converted into a museum and another into a military school. It is true that the Russians were afraid of the church authorities because of their close intimacy with the Csar who had oppressed them. Gumede stated that the “new Russia is destined to lead mankind to a happier state of life”.
In Russia there are neither rich nor poor people. The people were equals. They shared all that they produced. Gumede concluded his appraisal of the Russian Revolution with a reference to the issue of gender equality in Russia, claiming that “women are so free that they owned their own properties apart from their husbands”. James Thaele of the Cape in proposing its adoption, added that the CPSA was the “only Party which would assist the oppressed peoples of this country”. As had been expected, Gumede and Thaele’s speeches sent shock waves through the meeting and created an “uproar” among certain chiefs.
Richard Thema told the chiefs that they were being asked to adopt Gumede’s non-official report which they had not been consulted about. Mapikela, chairman, also opposed Gumede’s sentiments. He warned the chiefs that they “were being dragged by hook or by crook into the hands of the CPSA, a party whose avowed aims and objects were to bring about the overthrow of the rulers, be they White or Black”. Amid pandemonium, the speaker declared that Gumede’s unwritten report had not been submitted to the Executive. The Convention agreed and adjourned. Seriously divided over a“ foreign” ideology, policy and personalities, Congress faced a bleak future.
Gumede knew that his organisation’s future course was far from clear. Surely the question of whether or not he would ever succeed in reuniting the two factions was uppermost in his mind. However, Gumede was soon forced to realise that the differences that divided “his” supporters who approved of a working relationship with the CPSA, from those who would have nothing to do with Soviet Russia, were too great to be bridged during the 1920s.
One significant result of the April Convention was the search for closer co-operation between the ANC and the ICU. The two organisations unanimously adopted a resolution agreeing in principle to co-operate on matters of national policy. Their proposed program of action for 1928 included inter alia, a demand for a minimum wage of five pounds per month plus food and housing; demands for full economic rights; an appeal to the Government not to repeal the Cape native franchise; a petition to repeal the Pass Laws in its entirety. In the event of the Government refusing to comply with their petitions, the two bodies would fix a day of national protest to be marked by mass demonstrations and pass burning.
Kadalie later claimed that he had strongly recommended co-operation with the ANC on condition that the latter “repudiated its association” with the CPSA. Kadalie even boasted that Gumede had, “after some hedging, finally repudiated the CPSA”.588 Gumede rejected Kadalie’s statements claiming that “he accepted Kadalie’s motion on written authority embodied in it, that it shall be put before both executives for discussions”.589 Gumede knew very well that unity between the ICU and the ANC was as hard to achieve and nurture, however, as militant action. The warring groups and sectional interests within the two organisations remained a growing cause for concern. Makgatho distanced himself from Gumede’s militant cause and stressed that his branch would continue to pursue the fight against the Pass Laws along constitutional lines.590 Jeremiah Moshesh, chief of the Basutos in the Transkei, was another figure who opposed Gumede’s radicalism. A Police report revealed the first evidence of Moshesh’s drive to gather enough support to oust Gumede as president:
JT Gumede is using his position as president in the wrong by teaching the people to be up against the government. He is working hand in hand with Wellington (Buthelezi). Gumede is getting large sums of money from Russia through Mr Bunting. Gumede got £500 for bail for three of his friends, (Gomas, Silwana and Ndobi). I spoke very strong to the members of the ANC to do away with Gumede as leader and not to have him as a member of the body. They promised that in June next year they would throw him out. Unless steps are taken by the government to watch Gumede’s movements, he may do a great deal of harm. I think that Gumede’s ideas may find their way down here and I wish they may find us prepared against them.
Clearly, Moshesh was extremely fearful of his own position as chief. The fate of the Russian Czar was uppermost in his thoughts. Significantly, this police report also revealed the degree of collaboration between government and many of its conservative chiefs. In order to secure their own positions as salaried officials, many chiefs were unwilling to alienate the government.
Selope Thema spearheaded a more subtle “attack” on Gumede. Thema expressed his misplaced hopes that the outcome of the negotiations between the ICU and the ANC would be a lasting peace. Turning to Gumede, Thema stated that the former had only six supporters in the Council who enjoyed his confidence.
The good work of the Convention may be wrecked upon the rock of Communism. Let us hope that Mr Gumede as a patriotic leader will abide by the decision of the Chiefs, that he will avoid doing anything that might prevent co-operation between the ANC and the ICU. Gumede must see to it his ambition to be the Lenin of the Bantu people, is not greater than the ambition of the race; he must realise that the will of the people, and not his will, must be done. The people through their chiefs have declared that they will have nothing to do with Soviet Russia, and Gumede will be well advised not to ignore this declaration. Gumede has the chance of uniting the Chiefs and thus bringing about a complete unity of the various tribes of this great race.
Thema appealed to Gumede that he “must learn to hasten slowly” since the Chiefs could not be hurried to the “new Jerusalem”. In his reply, Gumede held that:
It cannot be doubted by any careful observer that the weakness of our present situation is wholly due to the failure of our educated men to assert fearlessly the rights of the people. The leadership of the ANC is fully controlled and guided by the people. We have no dictatorships in the ANC. The African believes in democracy and communism of land.
On Thema’s accusation that Gumede looked to Russia for the salvation of the Africans, Gumede argued:
This statement of Mr Thema is wrong, prejudicial, cruel and a misrepresentation of facts. There is no sane man who could think that the salvation of the Bantu people lies in Soviet Russia. The salvation will come from the people themselves. Some native journalists were responsible for this unfortunate motion. No one is asking the Chiefs to move out of South Africa to Russia. The Czar, the King of France Louis XVI, the King of England, Charles I and Tshaka were executed by their own subjects. Why single out Russia? Drawing on his recently acquired knowledge of imperialism Gumede pointed out that it was imperialism which “took our lands from us and made us squatters in our own country”.
Imperialism made sweet promises and afterwards repudiated them; it traded in slaves up to 1834. Our men were slaughtered at Bulhoek, Ntobela and at Port Elizabeth. We must carry passes when other races move freely. Gumede strongly criticised the Native Administration Act of 1927 which he claimed had “destroyed the patriarchal constitution”. We are gagged by the Act of 1927. In time of peace we are being watched and intimidated by the Native Affairs Department. Our prayers for redress of grievances have been turned down from time to time. When is Mr Thema going to move for the repudiation of the political parties who are responsible for these hard conditions? In conclusion, Gumede turned to the CPSA:
I have nothing to say against Socialism. The CPSA moved vigorously against the outrages of Bulhoek. Have we got a right to repudiate the CPSA and Socialism? What can you tell us against them of wrongs they committed to the Bantu? The above words came from the same man who, as recently as November 1926, had threatened “to expose Bolshevism”.594
In the one and a half years which had passed since that episode, Gumede had become better acquainted with the ideals of the Communists. He sought to unite the different oppressed groups against the oppressive African policy of the government:
I am going to Basutoland to organise the Native there, to get them and our people welded together so that the matters be represented to parliament solidly from all sections as one message. They can shoot me or do anything that they like. Despite the “wariness which characterised their relationships during the middle and late 1920s”596, Kadalie and Gumede continued to share many political platforms.
On 18 July 1928 Gumede attended the welcome reception of William Ballinger, a Glasgow-born trade council member who had been sent by the British Independent Labour Party to advise the ICU after the model of a standard British trade union.597 Extending the ANC’s arm of support, Gumede claimed:
Africans are people who are practically landless, homeless, and whose movement is restricted by the Pass Laws. They are prevented by the colour bar from doing skilled work and earning a living wage. But when they saw a number of Europeans, however small, taking an interest in their welfare they took courage and are hopeful. Ballinger rather optimistically expressed the hope that the African would have an opportunity to assist in making the country’s laws. Thus the ANC-ICU programme of mass action came to naught. Regrettably, Kadalie found himself in a difficult position with his liberal advisers, the anti-Communist Mrs Ethelreda Lewis and Ballinger persuading him to repudiate strikes for “it was a gesture of despair”.
Meanwhile, the antagonism of the old guard stirred Gumede to seek contact with political parties outside the boundaries of SA. In August 1928 Gumede was invited to address a political meeting of an organisation in Basutoland, the Lekhotla la Bafo or Council of Commoners, a resistance movement blended by a passionate defence of Basotho chieftainship and culture and a vigorous anti-colonial and Pan-African stance.600 Gumede appears to be the first ANC president who addressed one of Lekhotla’s meetings at Mapoteng. Gumede’s negotiations with Lekhotla were closely monitored by the police. Police reports alleged, firstly, that Gumede had influenced Lekhotla to join forces with the ANC; secondly, that Gumede’s propaganda had been and would be to stir up dissatisfaction towards the Basutoland Government who Gumede maintained, were depriving the real rulers of that Territory, the hereditary Chiefs, of their influence over the Basuto Nation; and thirdly that Gumede’s presence in Basutoland constituted a danger to the peace, order and good government in the Territory.601 Gumede’s political negotiations were not restricted to Lekhotla. He also established links with the Rev Lion, a minister of a religious group, known as “Kereke a Bafolise”.
In 1928 the Rev Lion was deported from the territory for alleged immoral misconduct. Despite his deportation, the Rev Lion continued to enjoy great influence amongst the people of Basutoland. The police held that Gumede had asked the Rev. Lion to liaise with all the chiefs in Basutoland, the aim being to arrange a pitso of chiefs at some place near the Basutoland border. The aim was to enlist the active co-operation of the chiefs and even the paramount chief “when revolution breaks out”.602 The “Basutoland Revolution” never took place.
Entering his second year in office, Gumede dedicated himself to the Africans’ cause, selling his small store, and relying partly on his wife, Lilian’s taking in washing as he embarked on strengthening the ANC. There were many upheavals. On a financial level, the APS was threatening Gumede with legal action to secure repayment of the debts incurred during his 1919-1921 deputation. Harris, for the first time accused Gumede of fiscal irresponsibility:
I need hardly tell you how keenly disappointed I, personally, am in you. It was I who gave the Committee an assurance that you would repay, because I told them I believed that in spite of the Africans who had brought disgrace upon their race by breaking their pledges, you at least were an honest man, and would stand by your obligations. Gumede was in a most embarrassing position, having no more excuses for this dilemma. While Gumede pledged to come to better terms with the CPSA, Bunting’s own loyalty towards the ANC was under suspicion. “The ANC was moribund, it demanded equality, not self-determination and looked upon the British King for a redress of grievances”, declared Bunting at the historic Sixth Congress of the Comintern in July-September 1928 in Moscow.This dramatic attack on the ANC formed part of Bunting, his wife, Rebecca and Eddie Roux’s final bid to oppose the Comintern and La Guma’s African republic thesis.
In his fourteen-page document Bunting argued that the CPSA, and not the ANC, was the actual or potential leader of the native national movement. According to Bunting, the elimination of Whites seemed to be implied in the African republic slogan. Haywood, who attended the sixth World Congress of the Comintern, recalled that Bunting had been confronted by other delegates with the inevitable question: where are the natives? The Comintern finally ruled in favour of the Black Republic thesis, the Buntings and Roux’s objections notwithstanding. Roux abided by the Comintern’s ruling and set out to propagate the Black republic dream of which he still had some reservations.
Significantly, the CPSA postponed the implementation of the resolution until January 1929. How did the African intellectuals receive the Comintern’s new directive? Bunting stated that the ICU openly repudiated it, while the ANC “has been silent” on the matter.607 La Guma and Gumede were the exceptions, both emerged as the chief spokesmen for the new philosophy in the ANC. For Gumede the new thesis undoubtedly supplemented the set of resolutions adopted by the Negro-Committee of the League Against Imperialism in 1927. Legassick argued that during the period in which the African republic was the core of party policy, there were two phases of implementation. The first, under Bunting, was ‘ultra-empiricist’ and the second, spearheaded by Wolton. In neither phase was there present the deep patriotic fervor shaped by a Marxist world view which characterised the politics of, for example, Mao-Tse Tung or Ho Chi Minh in the similar period. Bunting’s primary loyalty was to a moralistic proletarian internationalism, while Wolton trapped himself in the sterility of Stalinist bureaucracy. Thus the insights which La Guma, Gumede, and the Comintern had gained never received the creative elaboration they deserved.
While disintegration beset Kadalie’s ICU, the year 1928 ended on a high note for Gumede. At the annual ANC Conference in Johannesburg, Gumede succeeded in bringing the ANC into the international political arena. The ANC passed a resolution stating its willingness to affiliate to the League Against Imperialism. Gumede, Mweli Skota and Selope Thema were nominated to the second conference of the League Against Imperialism to be held in Frankfurt, Germany in July 1929.608 Gumede lobbied support for Garvey’s invitation to his Sixth Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world to be held at Kingston, Jamaica, from 1-31 August 1929. The SAP claimed that Gumede had also been invited to Geneva in December 1929 where a convention would be held to bring about the amalgamation of the oppressed races of Africa with those of India and America.609 Gumede’s travelling costs were to be covered by Garvey and an Indian Prince.
GUMEDE AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SA BRANCH OF THE LEAGUE AGAINST IMPERIALISM
Inspired by the CPSA leadership’s willingness to accept and implement the African republic resolution, and to fulfil his pledges at the Brussels Congress, Gumede took the initiative in the founding of the South African branch of the League Against Imperialism (hereinafter LINISA) in January 1929. The different positions on the Executive Committee of the LINISA were filled as follows: Gumede as President, Mweli Skota the Assistant President, Samuel Masabalala the General Secretary, J Ra Mokgothi was the Assistant General Secretary. LINISA undoubtedly represents Gumede’s first real effort to further the Native Republic thesis. The overall aim of the LINISA was to fight for the welfare of the oppressed nations. Furthermore they disclaimed any intentions to “kill the ICU, the ANC or the APO”, but to work closely with all other African unions “that have the object of salvation of our people”.
Garvey’s claim of “Africa for the Africans” was given prominence in their first correspondence. Their first mission was to invite all associations to affiliate to the LINISA. “One God, One Aim, One Destiny” was their slogan and called on members to keep the bright fire (struggle) burning.The first conference of LINISA was scheduled for 2 April 1929 in the Batho Location, Bloemfontein.612 Since its founding the LINISA were beset by organisational and financial difficulties. Gumede must soon have realised that he had underestimated the magnitude of heading both the ANC and LINISA simultaneously. Police harassment also effectively ruined any attempt at canvassing support outside the Union. When Lekhotla la Bafo invited Gumede in February 1929 to visit Basutoland, the High Commissioner’s Office in Cape Town instructed the Resident Commissioner of Basutoland to prohibit him from entering.613 After their April conference the LINISA lapsed into inactivity. Lack of financial support prevented Gumede from attending the Frankfurt Conference of LAI. As would be shown later, the Comintern was greatly disturbed by Gumede’s failure to exploit the revolutionary climate in South Africa. As La Guma had argued in 1928, the attitude of the Non- European masses was becoming sharper with instalment after instalment of oppressive and discriminatory laws and threats of further oppression.
Furthermore La Guma claimed that there was already an acute land hunger, and this, coupled with heavy taxation designed to drive them out of the reserves to labour for white famers and industrialists, was giving rise to a strong undercurrent of revolutionary feeling.614 Neither Gumede nor the CPSA capitalised on these revolutionary feelings. On the political scene, Gumede was fully aware that Smuts and Hertzog were planning to make the “native problem” an issue in the 1929 general elections. On 29 January 1929 Hertzog, Malan, and Tielman Roos published their famous “Black Manifesto” in which they attacked Smuts as the “apostle of a Kaffir State”.615 The three signatories were advocating segregation and White supremacy. Speaking at a NP bazaar, Roos said that “we will rule the natives; we will never allow this Moscow dream of a Black republic to materialise in South Africa”.616 The continued division within ranks of the ICU, ANC and even the CPSA effectively jeopardised their united opposition to Hertzog’s Black Manifesto.617 Within six months of Ballinger’s arrival, Kadalie resigned from the ICU and formed the Independent ICU, based in East London.
Hertzog’s “Black Manifesto” encountered strong opposition from the African leaders. Sharing a political platform with Gumede in Johannesburg in February 1929, Kadalie told the audience of more than a thousand people to “prepare yourselves to go to gaol, prepare yourselves to be hung if you want freedom”.619 In a fiery speech, Gumede challenged his followers to “raise your voice so that we fill all the gaols”. He attacked Hertzog’s “Vote White” election campaign and propagated the African republic ideal:
We must demand liberation, the franchise and seats in parliament; oppose Hertzog’s imperialism and secure a republic representing all nationalities irrespective of colour. Overencouraged by his effective propaganda onslaught against Smuts’ liberalism and the dangers of African majority rule, Hertzog turned to Parliament with his two Bills, namely The Natives’ Parliamentary Representation Bill (NPRB) and Coloured Persons’ Rights Bills (CPRB). The NPRB provided inter alia, for the indirect election of two senators to represent the Africans of the two northern provinces; for the creation of a new Native Voters’ Roll in the Cape as well as the election by voters on that roll of two senators; later on, of three members of the House of Assembly. The CPRB made provision for the appointment of a Coloured Voters’ Registration Board in each district, and for the election of one White member of the House of Assembly to represent Coloured voters outside the Cape Province. The 17th annual conference of the ANC in Bloemfontein in April 1929 was a personal triumph for Gumede. This time he was concerned not to analienate the chiefs and conservatives. Instead he proceed with caution and tried to capitalize on Congress’s opposition to the Native Administration Act and Hertzog’s Bills.
This political strategy paid dividends. His criticism of the Act was unanimously endorsed by all the representatives. It is a piece of class legislation which was unworthy of a people having two thousand years of Christian civilisation”. It denied the Africans the right of full speech, and yet speech was the only weapon which the African could use effectively against the tyranny of European oligarchy. It was a violation of the principle of democratic institutions upon which the country’s system of government was focussed.
Gumede shared Mahabane’s notion that the NPR Bills could well be seen as the Disenfranchisement Bill. Seconding the resolution which formally rejected Hertzog’s Bills, Gumede reminded Hertzog that Africans were no longer prepared to suffer in silence. Gumede contested that the Cape franchise was the foundation of peace between the British Government and the African people. “Hertzog should remember”, said Gumede:
The African War had been caused through the withholding of franchise rights. The Africans were determined to uphold their rights and freedom, despite the venomous fangs of the Native Administration Act. Hertzog knew that there were Africans in South Africa prepared to give their lives to defend their franchise rights, which were their God-given rights. Gumede dominated the Conference to such an extent that it was impossible for the old guard to move against him. Gumede convinced Congress that Hertzog religiously believed that freedom; justice and human dignity were to be enjoyed by Whites only, hence Hertzog’s devotion to White minority rule was a threat to Africans’ struggle against oppression and injustice. Gumede’s perception of democracy was that Black and White should participate in deciding their common destiny. Gumede believed that pressure must be maintained on the Pact Government to abandon their racist apartheid policy.
Omitted from Gumede’s presidential speech were expressions of loyalty to the CPSA.624 Undoubtedly, as a leader who had grasped the realities of politics, Gumede did not want to undermine his own position as leader of the ANC. In return for his willingness to respect their viewspoints, the conservatives cast their votes “of thanks to Gumede for the able manner in which he had discharged his duties in both houses”.625 Unfortunately for Gumede, this was one the last votes of confidence which the old guard were prepared to offer him. Meanwhile, Gumede and his Executive Committee were requested to prepare a land settlement scheme with a view of securing more land for Africans. The ANC followers looked upon the President and his Executive Committee to “call upon the men and women of the race to throw aside small differences which might delay the attainment of their desired emancipation”.
Gumede also succeeded in winning the support and loyalty of women at their second ANC Women Convention. Charlotte Maxeke, founder and President of the ANC Women League also hailed from Fort Beaufort in the Eastern Cape. Gumede welcomed the women on behalf of his organisation. He emphasized the alarming fact that delegates of all classes - chiefs, commoners and clergy - had all spoken out against the heavy burdens and grievances of the African people.626 Gumede expressed his joy at the presence of delegates from all quarters:
It indicated that Africans, as a people, are gradually presenting a united front. It is inspiring to have in our midst many delegates who had grown gray in the struggle for the African’s cause. The 1929 South African election campaign turned out to be one of the bitterest episodes in the Africans’ struggle for liberation. White South Africans shared Hertzog’s fears of a Black South Africa republic. Consequently, the National Party won the 1929 general election with an outright victory of 8 seats. Gumede noted and absorbed Whites’ unequivocal rejection of equal rights for all.
THE DURBAN NATIVE RIOTS, 1929
Fearing increased alienation from Hertzog’s government, Africans in Natal embarked upon mass action. Their campaign resulted in the Durban Riots of June 1929 when six Africans were killed and 108 persons injured.628 The root cause of the Riots was the monopoly on beer brewing which the Durban municipality held. Faced with a ban on beer brewing, Champion’s ICU Yase formed the Anti-Kaffir Beer Manufacturing League.629 Following a series of mass marches and violent clashes between Whites and Africans, Gumede travelled to Durban to investigate the situation. Gumede held meetings with radical African leaders, amongst others Champion. The CPSA also responded to the crisis and called for the intensification of mass demonstrations. Gumede put his political future at stake by linking up with the CPSA. At the beginning of June 1929 Gumede together with Bunting, Wolton and Petersen addressed political meetings in the ICU hall. Gumede’s continued fraternisation with the CPSA was opposed by conservative elements within the Durban branch of the NNC.
Ilanga Lase Natal, Dube’s newspaper, accused Gumede of advocating an irresponsible pro-Communist campaign.630 On 16 June 1929 Gumede and Champion addressed a mass meeting at Cartwright’s Flats attended by over 5000 Blacks. Champion opened the meeting and pledged to support mass action.“ The ICU are willing to die with the protesting togt boys”, said Champion. Introducing Gumede, Champion criticised the Ilanga Lase Natal, thus Dube, for labeling Gumede a Communist. In his speech Gumede responded to the allegations of Ilanga Lase. When I went to Russia, the newspaper accused me of being a Communist. But when I went to England, Germany and France the same paper said nothing.
Gumede explained his personal relationship with the CPSA: I am a free man. If I want to become a Communist, I will join them. The CPSA is a new party in SA. We must find out more about their policy. If we are convinced that they are right then we will join them. But we must open our eyes and start thinking. Nothing will prevent me from criticising the injustices suffered by the Africans.
Despite the hostile attitude of certain NNC officials towards him, Gumede displayed political maturity. He argued that the ICU had taken the place of the NNC which indicated that the NNC was losing support. Nevertheless, Gumede urged the two organisations to unite and work “for the national independence of this country”. What began in Durban as a series of boycotts and demonstrations, developed into a riot when Black protesters clashed with White civilians a day after Champion and Gumede’s speeches. Gumede was faced with the vital question of whether to support the Black protesters and to “keep the fire burning” - the slogan of his LINISA. Communist reports claimed that Gumede supported the protesters.632 Champion, on the contrary, was no revolutionary demagogue. Champion distanced himself from the law breakers, and assisted the police in the preservation of law and order.
For Hertzog, who was still settling down after the latest election victory, the timing of the Durban beer riots was unfortunate. The economic blizzard to be known as the Great Depression was already making itself felt.635 Since the Nationalist Government could not deliberately ignore the Durban beer riots, Hertzog was forced to appoint a government commission under Justice De Waal who visited Durban from 3 to 12 July 1929. Needless to say, the De Waal commission overlooked the importance of Black witnesses by calling on 47 Whites compared to the twelve Black witnesses. Gumede, Dube and Champion were among the African witnesses.
To the CPSA, Gumede’s testimony on Communism was most embarrassing. Gumede’s introductory remarks breathed anti-Communism: It has been said that I am a Communist, but that is not true. I am not a Communist. Neither am I a member of the South African (Communist) Party. In fact, I have nothing whatever to do with any European Political Party.
Gumede emphasised that he visited Brussels and Moscow solely as guest of the League Against Imperialism and “Society for the promotion of Cultural Relations between Russia and foreign countries”. The Society for the promotion of Cultural Relations, Gumede testified:
is really working for peace between the oppressed peoples and the Colonizing powers. It is in direct opposition to the propagation of Communism. The League Against Imperialism is absolutely opposed to Communism. One is confronted with the question of why Gumede performed this somersault by lying about the nature of the two pro-Communist organisations. The only conclusion to be drawn is that Gumede feared possible state prosecution for his role in the Durban Beer Riots. Gumede’s words - “I am prepared to lay down my life for this struggle” - lost their true meaning. As regards the significance of his Russian tour, Gumede also changed his praising of the “new Jerusalem”:
Every man who has been to Russia is not necessarily a Bolshevist. In fact, I discovered as a result of my visit that amongst the millions of Russians in that country, there are only about one million Communists, but they have the upper hand at the moment. At least they are the brains of Russia today. Whereas Gumede had earlier slated the government for passing discriminatory legislation, he now had some positive words for the Hertzog government on the implementation of the Native Urban Areas Act in Natal.
Turning to the causes of the recent Native riots, Gumede identified the monopoly of beer brewing by the Durban municipality as the main reason. Gumede related to the commission the history of Africans’ continued struggle against the manufacture of beer by the municipality.In regard to this question of the opposition by the natives to the manufacture of beer by the Municipality, that is no new thing amongst the natives. As far as I remember, Durban is the only borough that did not grant licences to natives to sell kaffir beer. This Durban law was passed against us, although we made recommendations that the native people should not be deprived of their licences. Each man should be allowed to brew his own beer as it is done in Bloemfontein.
In his concluding remarks, Gumede stated that he did not support Champion’s call for the abolition of beer brewing. “I am not in favour of a dry Zulu race”. He urged the Durban municipality to establish Advisory boards which could control beer brewing. The municipality should have their own police in the locations to “look after the matters”. Champion, too, performed a somersault and promised Justice De Waal that his organisation (ICU Yase Natal) would disband if a location for better class natives’ and an Advisory Board were established. In return for Champion and Gumede’s “responsible testimonies” the Commission did not recommend the pressing of any criminal charges against them. As would be seen later, Oswald Pirow, the new Minister of Justice would not let the two men off the hook so easily. There was no official response from the ANC executive Council to the De Waal Commission. However, the old guard within Congress were anxious not to extend Gumede’s term of office.
THE LEAGUE OF AFRICAN RIGHTS, 1929
Legassick claimed that the climate in the country was ripe for the Party to turn its attention to national liberation. In the midst of Pirow’s determination to suppress Communist propaganda, the CPSA appealed for a united front. Despite Gumede’s anti-Communist testimony, the CPSA was prepared to welcome him back into their ranks. Acting in accordance with the formal instructions of the ECCI, the CPSA founded a new political organisation called the League of African Rights (hereinafter LAR). The LAR, the first successful coming together of working class and national radicals in the liberation movement, was inaugurated at an historic All-In-Conference in Johannesburg in August 1929.639 Gumede not only supported this CPSA-initiative but also became the president. Other officials elected were Doyle Modiakgotla of the ICU, the vice-president with Bunting as chairman and N. Tanti of the Transvaal ANC the vice-chairman. Bunting claimed that one of the prominent members of the ANC was initially against Gumede’s assumption of the office as president but afterwards promised to support the activities of the LAR.641 The LAR took for its slogan “Mayibuye i Afrika” (Let Africa return), and for its flag a black, red and green emblem. The LAR proposed to get a million signatures to their “Petition of Rights” and present it to the Governor-General and Parliament. The Petition included the following demands:
(a) No tampering with the Cape Non-European vote and extention of the vote to Non-Europeans throughout the Union on the same terms as Europeans in the northern Provinces.
(b) Universal free education for Non-Europeans children equally with the European.
(c) Abolition of Pass Laws throughout the Union.
(d) Full rights of free speech and public meeting irrespective of race.
(e) No restriction on native acquisition of land, and radical increase of native areas.
Eddie Roux claimed that the LAR was a success from the start. The success of the LAR could be ascribed to many factors. Political fever among Africans was running high. Since the ICU was facing serious internal problems, many of its followers turned to the LAR to rally their grievances. Gumede and executive members of the LAR toured the country, collecting signatures for their petition. There was however little doubt that the LAR encountered strong opposition in certain towns. “They had many enemies”, stated Gana Makabeni, “especially among the educated”.644 There was however sufficient support for the League to alarm the Hertzog government.
Threatened by the dominant role of Communists in the League, the government embarked on countermeasures. Oswald Pirow was well informed about the activities of the League, and promised the White electors that he would legislate Communism out of existence.645 On 8 November the Cabinet passed Pirow’s Amendment Bill to the Riotous Assemblies Act. The Minister of Justice was armed with power to ban any individual, whose presence might lead to the creation of feelings of hostility between the race groups in the country. From the outset Pirow’s proposed new legislation ran into strong opposition of all the major African and leftist political movements in the country. Mindful of the growing political discontent among Blacks on the Rand, Gumede called for united action against Pirow’s latest threats. “We mean to have our rights redeemed as subjects of this Government”, wrote Gumede to E. Mposi, ANC and ICU member at Bloemfontein:
We cannot allow ourselves to be used like animals any longer. As things are, we shall be compelled to send a deputation to England and other civilised countries. Gumede’s historic letter to Mposi contains a significant revelation:
Very soon we must push the LAR forward as I believe there is sincerity in it more than the other organisations (ANC and ICU). The Council of Chiefs will sit in July next together with the annual assembly of the Congress. I have decided not to stand for re-election. I am going to serve the LAR. I shall attend a special conference of the ANC in December. On 10 November the ANC, CPSA, ICU and LAR held a protest meeting against Pirow’s Bill where an effigy of Pirow was burnt. Hertzog was accused of being “an instrument of British imperialism”.648 The meeting passed a resolution condemning Pirow’s new Bill and to hold protest meetings on Dingaan’s Day, 16 December. As the LAR continued to collect signatures on its Petition of Rights, the Government felt threatened. Possessed by a paranoia to wreck the LAR, Pirow used every opportunity to warn against the dangers of the Communists’ conspiracy. In his official report of the Durban beer riots of June 1929, Pirow claimed that he had written proof that the CPSA was instrumental in fuelling the riots. Turning to the LAR, Pirow accused Gumede of being an elected member of the general council of the Communist International and a graduate of the Communist school in Brussels. “Gumede and another leader of an African organisation were waiting on the necessary finance to travel abroad (to Russia)”.649 Pirow’s allegations were met by an immediate response. The LAR, ANC and ICU rejected Pirow’s allegations levelled at Gumede. In an official petition signed by Gumede, et al., the three organisations rejected the allegations that the Third International was responsible for the current wave of political violence in the country:
We challenged the Minister to reveal the Moscow documents. Pirow is to be blamed for stirring up the Blacks’ political agitation. We love our country and do not want to cause trouble. We appeal to the Government not to proceed with the legislation on the Riotous Assembly Act. We call on the Prime Minister to demote the ambitious Mussolini (Pirow). At a conference of the Non-European Ministers’ Association at Bloemfontein on 6 December, delegates argued that the autocratic powers contemplated in Pirow’s bill would create endless racial strife. In the absence of Gumede, the delegates refused to participate in any militant mass protest action. Sam Malkinson, the leader of the Bloemfontein branch of the CPSA, said that the delegates preferred words instead of deeds and were clearly exhorting all their power to “dam the rising spirit of the native mass”. The government was urged to convene a round-table conference to discuss the removal of racial discrimination.
On 9 December 1929 Gumede, Skota and Selby Msimang accompanied Oliver Schreiner, Howard Pim, Edgar Brookes and Ballinger on a deputation to EG Jansen, the minister of Native Affairs. They officially petitioned him to repeal the Pass Laws. Their petition was turned down. Jansen replied that he was prepared to consider proposals for the relief of educated persons from the Pass Laws. They (educated persons) might be given a distinguishing badge which would make them recognizable on sight.
Towards the end of 1929, Gumede’s tolerance was again severely tested by a new oppressive Bill, Pirow’s Native Service Contract Bill, which aimed at tying the Black labour tenants still more closely to the land, and secondly, at driving the Black squatter off the land.653 The Bill made absolutely no provision for the thousands of squatters who would be affected. Furthermore, the Government had grossly neglected its pledge of 1913, namely the enlargement of the Africans’ existing land where it would be legal to purchase the land. From the outset Gumede rejected the proposed Contract Bill. The long-awaited annual conference of the LAR took place on 15 December 1929. Gumede, whose presidency of the LAR had been endorsed, appealed for united action against the proposed Native Contract Bill and a new Urban Areas Act. Gumede paid special tribute to the mission of the LAR:
Other organisations were quarrelling endlessly and vilifying one another, yet the LAR could fulfil its mission if only we are men and women enough with the mind to work for the liberation of the oppressed Africans. We looked confidently to the League Against Imperialism for support, and hoped that the world once more would wake up and speak out for the cause of freedom. Had Gumede finally turned his back on the ANC? His presidential speech at the conference of the LAR lent itself to this conclusion. However, subsequent events indicated that Gumede remained with the ANC. On 16 December 1929, Gumede, Kadalie and Bunting addressed a Dingaan’s Day demonstration held in Johannesburg under the auspices of the LAR, the Independent ICU, and the CPSA. Gumede pledged his commitment to the liberation of the oppressed Africans.
Meanwhile Gumede’s political career since 1927 had been vigorously debated in the ECCI in Moscow. Importantly for the CPSA and Gumede, the Comintern has moved considerably to the left during the course of 1929. Legassick has shown how such a shift came about.656 Briefly, the Comintern justified their change in direction in terms of the deepening crisis in world capitalism, which necessitated preparation for immediate revolution. The onset of the world depression appeared to bear this out. But as Meszaros has argued,“ the emancipation of man from capitalist alienation is a global process of immense complexity, necessarily implying the objective complementarity - which should not be confused with some central coordination - of all socialist movements confronting the world system of capitalism”.657 Policies, according to Meszaros, must be dictated by local and not international conditions. Most historians attributed the Comintern swing to domestic events in the Soviet Union, specifically Stalin’s maneuvers against the Trotskyist opposition, and the policy of agricultural collectivisation instituted at the time. In the European context, the new policy meant the denunciation of Social Democratic reformism as “social-facism”. In the colonial context it meant repudiation of both reformist unions and labour parties and of the national bourgeoisie: if the colonial revolution was still an anti-imperialist and national one, its spearhead was the united proletariat.
The subsequent leftward swing of the Comintern reflected negatively on Gumede: firstly he was charged with the crime of being a ‘national reformist’, whose threats against the government came to naught, and secondly he was considered not revolutionary enough to lead the struggle for national liberation in South Africa.659 In a comprehensive policy document dated 28 December 1929, the Executive Council of the CPSA was severely critisised for allowing the leadership of the LAR to pass into Gumede’s hands. The ECCI instructed the CPSA to regain the leadership from Gumede and transform the LAR into the ‘League Against Imperialist Section’. Roux recalled that the Bunting followers were dumbfounded. They (CPSA) thought they were acting in line with “earlier instructions from Moscow”, namely uniting the African trade unions and organising protest rallies and Pass Laws demonstrations. Roux drafted a lengthy reply, defending Bunting’s rationale in founding the LAR.
But the Comintern were adamant.660 The CPSA leadership was ordered to comply with Comintern’s instructions. Commenting on the rationale behind the Comintern’s new directives, Legassick claims that it was unfortunate that the injection of a “national revolutionary” analysis into the South African Marxist scene coincided with the leftward swing of the Comintern after 1928. By the end of 1929 Gumede’s days as president of the LAR were numbered. The leadership of the CPSA found its