At their 13th Ordinary session in Algiers, last July, the OAU Committee of Eleven adopted the following resolution regarding the Pan Africanist Congress: "The Committee decided to suspend the assistance granted to the P. A. C. until such time that the Standing Committee on Information, Administration and General Policy becomes fully satisfied that unity has been restored to the Movement. (Their emphasis). In the meantime, Tanzania and Zambia, with the assistance of the Executive Secretary (ALC), were called upon to exert their influence to bring about unity in the Movement. The Standing Committee was requested to consider and report whether the suspension of assistance would be an effective means of exerting pressure on Liberation Movements to maintain unity within their ranks." In terms of the above decisions the sub-Committee called a reconciliation meeting at the Headquarters of the African Liberation Committee, in Dar es Salaam, on November 12, 1968. At these talks the Party was represented by the Acting President, Mr. Potlako K. Leballo and five other leading officials: Messrs. T. M. Ntantala, Member of the N. E. C. and Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Command; David M. Sibeko, Elias L. Ntloedibe and Nimrod N. Sejake, of the Foreign Affairs and Information Secretariat and S. B. M. Mehlomakhulu, Chief Representative in Dar es Salaam.

The dissidents had [Tsepo] Letlaka, [Z. B.] Molete, [Peter] Raboroko and [A. B.] Ngcobo representing them. It was assumed that they also spoke on behalf of [Nana] Mahomo, [J. D.] Nyaose and [Peter] Molotsi, their partners in the abortive coup against the Party leadership, last June. Though Molotsi virtually denounced the coup before the ALC in Algiers, he has not maintained contact with the External Mission Headquarters since. We are enclosing cuttings that cover the opening remarks by the Chairman of the sub-Committee whose speech was extemporary. We must stress, however, that as from scratch he laid emphasis on the fact that the Committee was intent on emerging from the talks with concrete results. He made it clear that the OAU was prepared to support only those movements that operate effectively within their territories [words missing] and equally determined revolutionaries. On November 13, the following day, the talks were continued behind closed doors at the TANU [Tanganyika African National Union] Parliament Buildings, which include the Speaker's Office (National Assembly), where the dissidents were given the first opportunity to present their case. They were in session from 10 a.m. to 2.30 p.m. and were recalled to another session which lasted from 5 p.m. to 8 p.m.

The following day the Acting President and his colleagues were called in and in one hour, acting as the Party's chief spokesman, the Acting President thoroughly exposed the counter-revolutionary role of the dissidents and made a satisfactory expose on home-front activity and co-ordination between National Headquarters, the underground cells and the External Mission. He also explained how the counter-revolutionary activities of the dissidents had hampered the Party's work.

Lies quashed

The Acting President's delivery was followed by close questioning from members of the Committee. It became apparent that the dissidents had concentrated their presentation on making scurrilous attacks on the person of the Acting President and attempted to use their personal hatred for him as a scapegoat for their anti-Party activities and non-participation in the revolution. The lies were quashed and further evidence was produced to prove their nefarious intentions. Their political bankruptcy was further exposed when they brought up their usual diatribe and putrid allegation, which was the cornerstone of their case, that I am not a South African; it turned them into a laughing-stock-particularly when we showed documentary evidence that Ngcobo himself was born outside the Republic. At the end of our presentations the Committee expressed satisfaction with the manner in which we presented the Party's case and the co-operation we were ready to extend at all times.

The Committee then suggested a formula for joint talks between the renegades and the Party's official delegation and offered to submit proposals on how the renegades could possibly be rehabilitated and integrated into the Party. Since the formula did not in any way interfere with the status quo ante prior to the factionalist June meeting of the dissidents, the Parry's delegation accepted it. It was agreed that our guideline would be the Moshi decisions, mainly: a) Acceptance of the leadership of the Acting President; b) Recognition of Maseru as the National Headquarters of the Party; c) and acceptance of the Revolutionary Command as the body charged with carrying out the day to day functions of the Organisation. Fortunately the Executive Secretary had participated in the Moshi meeting of the NEC and could testify that during that meeting the same dissidents had unanimously confirmed the above positions and that they had accepted without reservations the Party's general line on the waging of a people's war, as outlined in the Acting President's "Call to the Nation." The dissidents rejected the proposals but after some persuasion by members of the Committee they made as if to agree. This was on November 14. The following day, however, they came back and threw the proposals out of the window; their arrogance roundly angered members of the Committee. Even at this stage it had become crystal clear as to whose interests the dissidents serve. At the end of the day the Party's delegation was called in and thanked very passionately for the co-operation it had shown throughout its appearances before the Committee. The Chairman reiterated that their mandate was to ensure that the revolution does not suffer and imparted it to us that the dissidents had been given the rest of the day during which to reconsider their stand and that the following day a joint and final session was being called at 10 a.m., back at the ALC headquarters. Once more the dissidents confronted the Committee with a memorandum (we must point out that though the dissidents brought three loads of memorandums our side gave direct evidence, supplemented by a few documents for the purpose of substantiating the Party's case). In this new one they accused the Committee of "echoing Leballo's demand that they renounce the New Palace [Hotel] talks" and that for this reason they found it "impossible to accept the proposals."

Shall not shack [shirk] responsibilities

The new Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Stephen Mhando, MP, had reinforced the Tanzanian delegation that morning. He made a passionate appeal to the dissidents to see the light and put the interests of the struggle before self. He assured the meeting that he would not shack [shirk] his responsibilities, if by that afternoon, sense had not prevailed and the dissidents remained adamant they were making [sic] on behalf of Africa and the Organisation of African Unity. The dissidents were unimpressed. The Committee had done more than it could and in his final address the Executive Secretary said it was a pity that all their efforts had not achieved the desired unity. He stressed, however, that the meeting had been quite a success because now they knew who the freedom fighters were; the meeting had helped them to identify freedom fighters and this would in future extend to all liberation movements. He promised that the Party's revolutionaries would not be let down and that as for those that had sabotaged the efforts of the Governments of Zambia and Tanzania and the OAU Liberation Committee, they left him with no alternative but to perform his duty, "in the interests of the African revolution . . . and I will act, no matter how unpalatable the action we take might be." The OAU was not interested in supporting international tourists, he concluded.

Dissidents detained

The meeting rose, at 11.30 a.m. At about 1 p.m. Letlaka, Molete, Raboroko and Ngcobo were collected and put into detention. Their fate is now in the hands of the U. N. High Commissioner for Refugees; he must find a country that must accept them as refugees and not Freedom Fighters. The OAU will not allow them to use an inch of African territory for their anti-Party activities. It has been disclosed that they have fat banking accounts, both in Zambia and this country. Letlaka is reported to have something in the region of £26,000 and Ngcobo £2,000 or so. During their stay here they kept very close contact with the U.S. Embassy and produced their memorandums there and at the USIS [US Information Service]. Nyaose is still in Nairobi where he occasionally issues a barrage against Tanzania and the African Liberation Committee for refusing to endorse their counter revolution; he too may get it in the neck soon.


The sub-Committee is to submit the report of its findings to the l4th ordinary session of the Committee of Eleven in Dakar, on January 15, next year. With the full support of External Offices and the National Headquarters we shall be able to emerge victorious even there. We expect that the ANC will make an all out bid to get us de-recognised on the flimsy excuse that the Party is split but they will have a hard time. The remnants of this dissident clique must be wiped out so that the best of our efforts can be geared towards making revolution for the success of the armed struggle in the Fatherland. All comrades are expected to play their part with diligency and honesty of purpose. We must not let down our supporters who, now that the spoilers have been removed from our ranks, expect us to forge ahead without hindrance. New directives will come out as soon as the External Mission Headquarters, the Revolutionary Command and national Headquarters have consulted fully.

IZWE LETHU!". [Our Land!!!]


Acting President & National Secretary

Karis, T.G. & Gerhart, G.M. (1997 ). From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary history of African politics in South Africa, 1882-1990, Vol 5: Nadir and Resurgence, 1964-1979