FELLOW NON-EUROPEANS, Business men, Professionals, Intellectuals,
Workers! History confronts the subject peoples of South Africa with
a momentous questiont Either a determined struggle to weld our divided
and unorganised peoples into one united force for the struggle against
Imperialism, for political freedom, or to continue as we are, divided
and unorganised, facile subjects to the imperialist policy of "Divide
and Rule."

It must now be obvious to all that our political line since the granting
of the franchise to the non-European of the Cape has been tactically
and ideologically incorrect.

Instead of a progressive rise in our political and economic status,
the non-European peoples of today, Bantu, Coloured, Indian, find
themselves dispossessed of many rights previously held and barred
in all directions to further progress and development.

"A White South Africa"

Not satisfied with the present lowly position of the non-European
population, the Anglo-Boer imperialists are straining every nerve
to drive us still lower. British Imperialism, satisfied with the
agreement to hand over the non-European population of South Africa
to the unrestricted exploitation and subjecuon by the Boer Imperialist
in exchange for the assurance that the dividends from investment
in mine and workshop would be safeguarded and SECESSION be dropped
as a policy of the South African Government. This agreement is exemplified
in the present FUSION GOVERNMENT.

The determination to make this a "white man's country" has
often been expressed by leading members of the reactionary white
population. What does this phrase imply?
It means the relegation of all non-white peoples to a position of
social, political and economic inferiority.

How is it to be accomplished?

Politically

The non-European masses must be rendered politically impotent. It
must not be possible for them to exercise any influence on the legislature
or policy ofthe Imperialist through their voting strength. And in
accord with the favourite tactics of Imperialistic rule in the colonies,
it must be carried out sectionally. It is well known how the Bantu
were deprived of their vote.
To launch an attack upon all sections of the subject peoples at the
same time is not in accord with the tactics of the Imperialists.
Having dealt with the Bantu, the next for consideration are the Coloured
people. The possibility of the Coloured vote threatening the designs
of Imperialist in South Africa has been largely removed by granting
the franchise to the white women and the introduction of adult suffrage
for Europeans.

In this way the political value of the Coloured vote has been reduced
to the worth of the paper it is recorded upon at every election.
Whatever other possibility may still exist for influencing the trend
of political affairs in South Africa by the Coloured vote will presumably
be dealt with in the forthcoming year.

The Protectorates

To further strenglhen their hold upon our lives and destinies, to
broaden the base for exploitation of the man power of the subject
peoples and the mineral and other wealthof their respective territories,
Boer Imperialism negotiates with its partner, the British for the
annexation ofthe Native Protectorates.

Industrially

None can dispute the fact that the cities of the Union of south Africa
were raised by predominantly black labour. Non-European artisans,
Coloured, Malay, manned the scaffold, Native labourers prepared the
material for the proud edifices that to-day grace the cities of the
Union.

The brawn ofthe Bantu made it possible to delve into the bowels ofthe
Transvaal earth. Risking life and limb for the gold that has placed
South Africa upon the world map. Indian workers were dragged from
home and kin to transform the virgin soil of Natal into flowering
plantations of profit for the Imperialist. Profits from the employment
of cheap Coloured female labour made possible the establishment of
many secondary industries. South African agricultural products compete
successfully on the world markets at the expense ofa lifetime of
misery for the vast majority of the population, with illitierate
black peasantry and agricultural worker. All this, in exchange for
what?

By the subtle operation ofthe government's "Civilised Labour
Policy" non-European artisans are gradually being ousted from
skilled trades. Those still in employment go in daily in fear ofthe
displacement process. Our youth find increasing difficulty in obtaining
apprenticeship to the skilled trades. It is easily discernible that
the policy is to reserve semi-skilled occupations to Europeans FIRST
if not ONLY. This visualises a future for our children as unskilled
labourers in industry. Even in the ranks of the unskilled preference
is given to European labour, particularly in government employment.
By these methods will we be consigned to the menial tasks in the
South African society of the future. This devilish scheme to blast
our future and that of our children does not end here. There remains
still another door to be barred.

Commercially

With the aim of preventing the rise of the non-European in the sphere
of commerce Provincial authorities refuse trading licences without
even giving reason for so doing. And they are supported in their
action by racially prejudiced "white South Africans."
With a government of "white South Africans" in power it
required very little intelligence to assess how meagre will be our
opportunities in the field of commerce. Particularly when we note
the intentions ofthe Boer Imperialist to dispossess the Indian communities
of the North of what has already been acquired by them. These vicious
intentions are embodied in the amendment to the Asiatic Land Tenure
Act, No. 5, of 1885.

Heavy attacks are being made upon Indian industrialists in the North.
Whatever hopes the other non-European communities may have entertained
in this respect will suffer considerabe disillusionment after the
recent disclosure of the designs of "white South Africa."

Socially

Absurd theories of race inferiority and unfounded assertions of immoral
practices are levelled againist the non-white population, to justify
anti-colour legislation, actually intended to complete the economic
and political subjection of the subject peoples. Cultured non-Europeans
from other parts of the world are denied permission to visit our
country while Europeans are permitted permanent residence in thousands.
Our student youth are refused passports to proceed overseas, to acquire
the culture denied to them in the land of their birth.

Not only are the Bantu, the great majority, denied the right to organise into
trade unions, but also subjected to the stigma of Pass Laws, irrespective of
the standard of culture individually acquired. Another section of the non-white
populalion, the Indian, with a civilisation and culture older than that of the
European, are also confined to certain areas, denied the right of free movement
in the country, stigmatised on no other grounds than that of race and colour.
Discrimination against the non-white population in every walk oflife is the common
every-day experience of non-Europeans in South Africa.

Why Is This So?

To understand our task, it is necessary to discard many of our old conceptions
of politics. We must clearly understand that Britain came to Africa not with
the intention of "civilising" the poor heathen, but primarily to gain
control of the gold, mineral and other wealth of the country. For the same reason
that Belgium went to the Congo to "civilise" the native races with "red
rubber." The same as Germany "civilised" the native races of South
West Africa by driving thousands of the Herero tribe into the desert to death
by thirst and starvation and almost exterminated the Hottentot peoples. The same
as Italian Mussolini is "civilising" the people of Abyssinia with poison
gas and machine gun. This is IMPERIALISM. The subjection of one people by another
with the object of exploiting such without let or hindrance. We have such a situation
in South Africa, and more: WE HAVE AN IMPERIALISM WITHIN AN IMPERIALISM.

In 1901 we saw the Boers conquered by Britain, with the economic
and political control passing into the hands ofthe British. But the
conquered Boers were not satisfied with their defeat. They strove
on through the years for political power under the leadership of
General Hertzog and the Nationalist Party, with SECESSION from the
British Empire as the main plank in their Republican platform. Eventually
the Boers gained political ascendancy and were returned to govern
in 1924.

It was expected that with the accession to power of the Boers
the fight for freedom from British Imperialism would take fresh
strength.
Such was not the case. Instead, the Hertzog Nationalisl bargained
with the british Imperialists. And the terms of the bargain were,
that Great Britain shall not interfere in the political and economic
subjection of the non-European, Hertwg gained the "right to
wallop his own nigger," in exchange
for the promise to drop the secession issue and thereby constituted themselves
loyal and obedient guardians of British profits from investments and ensuring
a ready field for economic exploitation.

Such could be the only solution for a reactionary nationalism, since any
struggle for freedom from British Imperialism without the unity of the entire
population
would be futile. Much as the Boer Nationalist would desire to be free from
British Imperialism they have no intention of granting equality to the non-white
population, since they are themselves Imperialists. How apt and true are
the words of a certain writer, "No people can be free who oppress another."

For reactionary nationalism to maintain itself in power it must
have a mass basis; in other words, there must be a section of the
population which supports the idea and who derive a benefit from
such an arrangement. Obviously the forces of the Imperialist themselves
are inadequate to provide such a mass basis. Here is where the forces
of white labour are made use of.

With the aid of mythical race superiority theories, "Civilised
Labour Policy," reservation of best jobs for whites, etc., the
white working class are chained to the Imperialists. Though the return
for such allegiance is meagre and inadequate as witness the deterioration
of the white toilers into "poor whiteism." And in addition
they are compelled to bear the burden of lmperialist wars when called
upon.

Thus we have first, British Imperialism exploiting the whites and
blacks combined, its representatives in Parliament being the South
African Party. Next, the Boer Imperialist, represented in Parliament
by the National Party, subjecting the blacks, and Britain, for all
its vaunted love of fairplay and justice calmly looking on as long
as her economic interests are not threatened.

Our Political Past

Either our past leadership was ignorant of the machinations of lmperialism
in the subject colonies, and under the impression that freedom could
be gained thus, pledged themselves to the Imperialist Party machine
(South African Party - Nationalist Party, now fused into United Party)
or they have deliberately refrained from exposing these designs and
consequently betrayed their trust.

The outcome of either this ignorance or treachery has meant that
for decades the subject peoples of South Africa have been following
a political line totally opposed to their interests, finding themselves
to-day enrircled by a forest of'colour bars" of every description.
It may be said in extenuation by the leaders ofthe past that they
chose the lesser of the two evils. How incorrect this choice was
is proved by the fact that both evils have nowfused into one and
the subject peoplesfind themselves without a friend in the hour of
the need.

Where Shall We Find a Friend?

Acting on the principle that "A man's best friend is himself'
the Organisation hereafter named are convinced that no good can accrue
to the oppressed peoples of this country, either black or white,
through support of the Imperialists or their political Parties.

Our only hope lies in unifying all those forces that feel the weight
of oppression as we do, into a cohesive and determined whole in opposition
to Imperialism in South Africa.

That we centre our hopes in the masses of the subject people, as
the ONLY force that can bring freedom. We desire to wage an open
and straightforward struggle, free from the intrigues, political
graft, compromises on vital issues and the thousand and one deceits
that have brought us to this miserable and degraded pass.

As the first step into the new era, we call upon all the organised
bodies of the subject peoples, political, social, religious and all
liberty loving individuals to rally round and support us in this
call for a National Convention of the subject peoples of South Africa.

At this convention we will strive to lay the foundation of future
UNITY of all sections, Bantu, Coloured, Indian, Malay. All those
that suffer from the "Colour Bar" in South Africa shall
form the united front against oppression. And this front we shall
cherish and weld as the only means to Equality of opportunity for
all, irrespective of race, colour or creed.

We ask you to consider well. Either we continue on the old lines
of division, in the meantime every session of Parliament sees more
legislation to blast your future and that of your children, or we
strive to unite our forces. Our future welfare and progress depends
upon your affirmative decision and support.

Representatives of the following Cape Organisations support a National
Convention of the subject peoples:-

The S.A. Railway & Harbour Workers Union (non-European); The
Cape Indian Congress; The Docks & Stevedoring Workers Union;
The Cape Malay Association; The African National Congress; The Coloured
Peoples Welfare Association; The African Advancement Association;
The Communist Party (Cape Town Branch); The Laundry Workers, Cleaners
and Dyers Union (Cape); The Domestic Employees Union; The Butchers
Blockmen & Ordermen's Union. On behalf and for the General Council,
the National Liberation League of South Africa,
G. H. Gool, President, J. A. La Guma, General Secretary.