Walter Sisulu celebrates his 90th birthday. One
of the godfathers of the fight for equality
in South Africa, he has fought long and hard against racism and prejudice,
moving
in and out of apartheid prisons, travelling the world and in 1992 was
awarded
the Isitwalandwe
award by the ANC for his contribution to the struggle.
Here
follows a transcription of Elinor Sisulu's lecture on the life of Walter
Sisulu
and his involvement in the ANC, presented on the 15th of May 2002 at
Senate House, University of Witwatersrand.
Elinor is his daughter-in-law and official biographer:

Comrades
in Cape Town
(l to r) Joe Nhlanhla, Walter Sisulu, Desmond Tutu, Clarence Makwetu,
Christmas Tinto
(Photo: Omar Badsha)
WALTER SISULU AND THE ANC
A public lecture by Elinor Sisulu
15 May 2002
Senate House
University of the Witwatersrand
co-sponsored by The Wits History Workshop
The Institute for Global Dialogue
The South African Democracy Education Trust
Introductory
remarks
T his paper does not aim to be a comprehensive
account of Walter Sisulu's life. It is impossible to condense ninety years
and a political career of more than half a century into a half hour presentation.
I have instead focused on the highlights of his political career and his
relationship to the ANC.
Beginnings
Walter Sisulu was born in Qutubeni Village
in the district of Engcobo in the Transkei on 18 May 1912. His mother,
Alice Manse Sisulu, worked as a domestic worker in white households and
boarding houses around the Transkei.

Walter Sisulu's mother (left),
with the mother of Duma Nokwe
(Sisulu Family Collection)
Alice was the daughter of Abraham Moyikwa
Sisulu, a prosperous peasant farmer. Walter's biological father was a
white magistrate who, while acknowledging parentage of Walter and his
sibling Rosabella, played little part in their upbringing or later lives.
Walter was raised as a Sisulu and he identified completely with his mother's
family. The real paternal influence in Walter's life was his uncle Dyanti
Hlakula, the head of the Hlakula/Sisulu clan and the head of Qutubeni
village. Dyanti Hlakula and his extended family were Christians and Dyanti,
who was a lay preacher of the Anglican Church, had strong links with the
nearby All Saints Mission, where Walter was baptised.
On 8 January 1912, a few months before Walter's
birth, leading African intellectuals, lawyers, teachers, religious leaders
and chiefs had gathered together in Bloemfontein to form the South African
Native National Congress (later renamed the African
National Congress). In 1902 the South African Native Congress - the
ANC's progenitor - had been founded in the Eastern Cape, partly in response
to grave concern about issues of political rights and land by the educated
black elite. In the same year, the African Political (later People's)
Organization, was founded in Cape Town by Dr
Abdullah Abdurahman, to represent the interests of the Coloured community.
(The Natal Indian Congress had been formed under the presidency of Mohandas
Ghandi eight years earlier, in the same year that Natal Indians were
denied the franchise.) These organisations became increasingly concerned
at the exclusion of any African voice from the incorporation of the four
colonies into the Union of South Africa in 1910, as well as the plans
for a constitution based on the principles of racial division. The first
pan-African national convention was held in Bloemfontein in 1909, and
a deputation was sent to appeal (unsuccessfully) to the British Parliament.
This shared concern for unity, an abhorrence
of racial and tribal divisions and experience of mobilisation led to the
establishment of the African National Congress. The Rev. John L Dube was
elected President, and Sol T Plaatjie Secretary. Those who initiated this
were leading intellectuals, lawyers, teachers, religious leaders and chiefs.
Their initial statements were couched in reasonable language with moderate
views expressed - petitions to the British throne, for example, professed
loyalty to the King and the British Empire. What was radical at the time
was the commitment to a national rather than various tribal identities.
As they welcomed the birth of Alice Manse's
baby, members of the Sisulu/Hlakula clan were scarcely aware of these
dramatic developments hundreds of miles away in distant Bloemfontein.
They could not have imagined that the destiny of their newest son would
be inextricably intertwined with that of the new organisation.
Childhood
Like most young boys in rural Transkei, Walter
spent much of his childhood tending to the family livestock. He would
wake before sunrise and proceed with the other boys to the cattle kraal
and sheep and goat pens. The younger boys milked the sheep and goats while
the older boys attended to the milking of the cows. The boys spent the
days in the fields tending the animals. The cattle were driven to the
kraals just before sunset. While in the fields the boys would enjoy picking
wild fruit and choosing sticks for the traditional sport of stick-fighting.
Walter's contemporaries remember him as a champion stick-fighter who fought
honourably and was always generous in victory.
Walter started school in 1923 first in Manzana
then in Qutubeni and walked the two miles to All Saints daily where he
completed Std 4 and part of Std 5. He was popular with his teachers and
schoolmates and developed lifelong friendships. He was particularly close
to Samuel Mase, whose uncle was married to Walter's aunt. Walter's favourite
subject was history and Makana, the great Xhosa chief and the legendary
Zulu king, Shaka, were his heroes. He also loved Bible stories especially
the story of Joseph because here was a small person who defeated a great
enemy because he was able to plan. Interested as he was in Bible stories,
Walter was not religious and from an early age he questioned the contradictions
in the Bible.
Walter loved singing and enthusiastically
participated in singing competitions with other choirs. He was an average
student who never shone academically but made a deep impression on all
those with who he interacted. He left school half way through standard
five, shortly after the death of his guardian, Dyanti Hlakula.
Johannesburg
After working on the farm in the Transkei
for about a year Walter followed the footsteps of many of his peers and
migrated to Johannesburg to work on the mines. Because at 16 he was too
young to work underground, the Chief Clerk who was also from Engcobo,
arranged for Walter to work for the dairy farmer who delivered milk to
the mine. After eight months on the job Walter quarrelled with his boss
who then assaulted him badly. Walter went to report the matter to the
police and received his first taste of South African justice. The police
further assaulted him and verbally abused him before calling his boss
to collect him. He then went through a series of jobs - a domestic worker,
a sweeper on the mines and finally a miner. He worked on the mine for
8 months and returned home when his contract expired towards the end of
1929.
At the beginning of 1930 together with his
age-mates, he underwent the traditional circumcision ceremony that marked
his coining of age. The rituals that preceded and followed the circumcision
made a deep impression on Walter and he took his entry into adulthood
very seriously. He returned to Johannesburg in mid-1930 to go back to
work. As a young man he had to pay taxes and help pay school fees for
Rosabella who was in school at All Saints.
Some time in 1931 at the end of his contract,
Walter returned to Qutubeni where he took part in village courts. His
community was feeling the effects of pressure on the land. He had a vivid
memory of a large meeting at Engcobo where the local magistrate and Bunga
members were giving a report to the people. The magistrate said people
would have to cull their stock, especially goats, which were destroying
the trees and depleting the soil. A red-blanketed man got up and caused
a sensation by declaring that what the magistrate had just stated was
a declaration of war on the people. He asked why black people were being
asked to limit their stock whilst the magistrate did not tell the white
farmers to cull their huge herds. The chiefs asked the man to withdraw
his statement but he refused. Walter was highly impressed by the defiance
of the red-blanketed man.
East London
Towards the end of 1931 Walter went to East
London to look for work. Unfortunately for him it was a period of economic
depression and high unemployment. Walter's arrival in East London also
coincided with the end of a strike, which had been organised by the industrial
Commercial Union (ICU). He began to attend ICU meetings where he heard
the lCU leader Clements
Kadalie speak about the oppression of black people. Though he was
interested in the topic, he was not overly impressed by Kadalie "Even
at that stage, Kadalie was a man who spoke more about himself . He later
revised his opinion of Kadalie when he heard him speak in Johannesburg.
From Doornfontein to Orlando
Walter also attended meetings addressed by
R H Godlo, the prominent journalist for East London's Daily Dispatch and
the Xhosa monthly Umlindi we Nyanga. Walter was highly impressed by Godlo's
dignified manner and oratory skills. Walter also heard a lot about Walter
Rabusana, a founder member of the ANC. In East London Walter became a
rugby fan and was a frequent visitor to the sports ground to watch rugby
matches. After a grim period of unemployment during which he had to sell
his clothes to survive he finally found a job as a domestic worker for
a white family. Although he was satisfied with his job, Walter decided
to return to Qutubeni at the end of 1932. He proceeded to Johannesburg
in 1933 where he went to stay in Doornfontein with his mother who was
working as a washerwoman.
Walter managed to get a job with Premier
Biscuits, a subsidiary of Premier Milling Company, in Siemert Road in
Doornfontein. He worked from 8 am to 5pm and helped his mother over weekends
by delivering washing to Yeoville, Bertrams and Bezuidenhout Valley. He
also attended night school at the Bantu Men's Social Club (BMSC) in Eloff
Street Extension and then at the Swedish Mission School.
In 1934 Walter and his mother became one
of the many thousands of African families who were forcibly removed from
Doornfontein to Orlando township which had been established in 1932. Walter
was forced to abandon night school after the move to Orlando because he
could not afford the train fare to the city.
At the beginning of 1936 Walter was fired
from Premier Milling for initiating a strike to demand higher wages -
an increase of 2s 6d a week and an allocation of bread. He found a temporary
job as an agent selling the newspaper Bantu World. He was a great admirer
of its editor, Selope Thema, a leader in the early African National Congress,
the Joint Council Movement, the Native Representative Council and the
All African Convention. Shortly after starting work at the Bantu World,
Walter decided to become a distribution agent for a number of papers:
Bantu World (later Naledi), Ilanga lase Natal, lmvo Sobantu, Mochochonono,
and the Rhodesian newspaper, Bantu Mirror.
In addition to his agency, Walter continued
to look for full-time work. He was not very successful because his stubborn
insistence on his rights earned him a number of dismissals. Between 1938
and 1940 he worked as a clerk, a census enumerator and a bank teller in
the non-white section of the Union Bank of South Africa. Around this period
Walter was learning that being a black person in South Africa meant being
constantly on the wrong side of the law. While job-hunting, he was arrested
and taken to Hillbrow Police Station because "something was wrong with
his pass-book". He had to pay a ten shilling admission of guilt fine,
a hefty amount for someone in his circumstances. What he found even more
disturbing was the assaults he witnessed at the police station. He was
shocked at the police assaulting some of the prisoners with the butts
of their guns.
Not long after, while distributing leaflets
for Bantu World, he had another brush with the law when he intervened
on behalf of a young girl who was being harassed by a ticket examiner
on the train to Orlando. When the train pulled in at New Canada Station,
Walter was handed over to the police and taken to the Orlando Police Station.
He was not allowed bail and had his first taste of "kulukut", meaning
'isolation section' in South African prison jargon. He was released after
a three pound fine paid by his family. Despite the hazards of urban township
life, the move to Orlando constituted a break from the past for Walter
and 'home' became Orlando. His sister Rosabella joined them as well as
other family members from Orlando including his cousin Caleb Mase and
Walter's childhood friend Samuel Mase and his sister Evelyn.
Walter took an active part in the social
life of Orlando and began to emerge as a public figure. He became the
chairman of the Orlando Musical Association and a member of the Bantu
Men's Social Club. He also became chairman of the Orlando Occidental Rugby
Club and was always present at rugby matches. Walter's interest in African
history led to his membership in the Orlando Brotherly Society, a cultural
organisation formed in 1935. He also joined the Gamma Sigma Club during
1938/9. The club discussed the political problems facing the African people.
At the Gamma Sigma Club he met A. P. Mda who played an important role
in the Orlando Branch of the Transvaal Teachers' Association.
A political home
Walter Sisulu was formally recruited into
the ANC by the trade unionist Alfred Mbele but he had been gravitating
towards the ANC for some time through the wide network of contacts he
had built up in his social and business activities.
By 1938 WaIter's cousin Samuel Mase had introduced
him to literature from the Left Book Club. One of the books Sam introduced
him to was The Making of the Transkei by Govan Mbeki. Walter was therefore
highly impressed when one day in 1938 Sam brought Govan Mbeki home to
visit the family. Mbeki commented in later life that one of the most remarkable
things about Walter Sisulu was that he had little formal education yet
he was able to hold his own among the most formidable intellects of the
time (Interview with Govan Mbeki, 1995).
Walter, was also influenced by Herbert Mdingi
and his two brothers Frank and David. The Mdingis were direct descendants
(great grandsons) of the great Xhosa chief, Hintsa. Herbert Mdingi played
an important role in shaping Walter's political outlook, especially concerning
resistance to white domination. Their friendship ended when they fell
out over Mdingi's support of South Africa's participation in the Second
World War. In 1939 Walter read about Dr.
Yusuf Dadoo's anti-war stance and was so impressed that he went to
him for a medical consultation.
In the mid 1930s he met J B Marks, the prominent
trade unionist, Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) and ANC leader
who, in the late 1930s, had helped revive the flagging fortunes of the
ANC in the Transvaal. In 1936 Walter met Dr Alfred Bitini Xuma, who became
president of the ANC in 1941. Xuma was from Manzana near Engcobo and his
sister Diana had been one of Walter's teachers. Other leading ANC members
and trade unionists he came to know at the time were Zephaniah Mothopeng,
who would later become a leader of the Pan-Africanist Congress, R G Baloyi,
a businessman who became Treasurer-General of the ANC in 1941, Barney
Ngakane, an ANC member in Orlando and Charlotte Maxeke, a pioneering member
of the ANC Women's League.
In 1940 WaIter and four others, namely Thabethe,
Dinelana, Nyokana and Mbere started an estate agency called Sitha Investments.
Through the estate agency he established networks in the Fordsburg and
Vrededorp communities. Among those he met were the Vandeyar Brothers and
Goolam Pahad. In his capacity as an estate agent he came into contact
with many lawyers, among them Lazar Sidelsky whose firm Wilkinson, Sidelsky
and Eidelmann, later articled Nelson Mandela, at Walter's request. Walter
was also friendly with trade unionist Gaur Radebe, who worked for Sidelsky
and Eidelmann.
Though busy with his estate agency Walter
became increasingly preoccupied with ANC work. He considered the period
immediately after joining the ANC as some of the most important years
of his life. "I was struggling before, you know, directionless. When I
got to the ANC I began to change, even though the ANC at that time did
not properly formulate its policies." It has been noted that "If joining
the ANC changed Walter Sisulu's life, there is no doubt that Walter Sisulu
was central in changing the character and direction of the ANC itself'.
(African Communist 2nd Quarter 1992 p.8)

ANC logo
Shortly after joining the ANC in 1940 he
was elected secretary of the Orlando Branch. Though fewer than 200 members,
the Orlando Branch had an influence far greater than the size of its membership.
The ANC was going through a period of revitalisation spearheaded by its
new President-General, Dr Xuma. Under Xuma's leadership the ANC was streamlined
and put on a sound financial footing. In one of their many discussions,
Xuma spoke to Walter about the need for the youth to play a more active
role in the ANC. Walter agreed with him and took it upon himself to recruit
talented young people into the ANC.
One such person was Nelson Mandela. When
the young Mandela arrived at his office looking for advice on how to study
law, Walter immediately decided that "he was someone who would go far
and should be encouraged. He was the kind of young man we needed to develop
the organisation." Mandela acknowledged that it was Walter who influenced
him to join the ANC: "Walter was strong, reasonable, practical and dedicated.
He never lost his head in a crisis; he was often silent when others were
shouting. He believed that the African National Congress was the means
to effect change in South Africa, the repository of black hopes and aspirations.
Sometimes one can judge an organisation by the people who belong to it,
and I knew that I would be proud to belong to any organisation of which
Walter was a member". (Long Walk to Freedom: 110). At the beginning of
1942 Oliver Tambo was another young man who found his way to Walter's office and became
part of his ever-increasing network.
His friend A P Mda introduced Walter to two
promising young men, the brilliant lawyer Anton Lembede and the journalist
Jordan Ngubane, who had made his mark writing for Bantu World. One evening
Lembede, Mda and Ngubane made their way to Walter's home in Orlando East
where they met Walter, Mandela and Tambo. By the end of the evening they
had formed the core of the Congress Youth League that would revolutionise
ANC politics after its launch in 1944.
In his assessment of Walter Sisulu as one
of the most influential South Africans of the twentieth century, Allister
Sparks wrote that some people are born great while others have greatness
thrust upon them while there are a rare few "who qualify for such exalted
recognition because of the greatness they thrust upon others. Walter Sisulu
is such a person". (AIlister Sparks "Walter Sisulu" Article in They Shaped
Our Century: The most influential South Africans of the Twentieth Century:163).
Few would disagree with Sparks's characterisation of Walter Sisulu as
the ANC's primary kingmaker who helped mould the thinking of the organisation's
two most important leaders, Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela. Walter had
clearly cast himself in the role of someone who would identify and nurture
promising talent for the ANC and he believed, quite correctly as it turned
out, that the future leader of the ANC would come from the ranks of the
Congress Youth League. In the formative years of the Youth League it was
Lembede, not Mandela or Tambo, who WaIter had imagined as a future ANC
president. When the 33-year old Lembede died of a sudden illness in 1947,
WaIter was overcome with grief at the loss of a personal friend and the
loss to the organisation of a gifted and charismatic leader.
Marriage
Walter's life was transformed in the 1940s,
both professionally and politically. In 1941 he met Albertina Thethiwe,
a young nursing student from the Transkei. He was so taken with her from
their first meeting, " that in a short space of time the question of marriage
came up".
Walter and Albertina together at a function
Walter and Albertina Sisulu were married
on 15 July 1944 at a civil ceremony in Cofimvaba in the Transkei. This
was followed by a reception at the Bantu Men's Social Centre on 1 7 July.
Dr Xuma and Anton Lembede were the main speakers. Lembede warned Albertina
that she was marrying a man who was already married to the nation.
Walter and Albertina had five children: Max
(born 1945), Lungi (born 1948), Zwelakhe (born 1950), Lindiwe (born 1954)
and Nonkululeko (born 1958). They also helped raise Walter's sister's
children, Gerald (born 1944) and Beryl (born 1948) and Walter's cousin's
son Jongumzi (born 1957). In their early years of family life Albertina
worked as a nurse while Walter's mother played an active part in raising
the children.
Coming from a sheltered background as she
did, Albertina Thethiwe knew little about politics when she met Walter
Sisulu. He was her guide and mentor and as he had done in the case of
Nelson Mandela, he introduced her to the ANC. Much of their courting revolved
around attending ANC meetings and Aibertina was one of the Sisulus who
later developed into a leader in her own right with a commitment to national
liberation as unshakeable as that of her husband. She became a leading
figure in the Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW) and was active
in the pass law protests of the 1950s. She was one of the organisers and
participants in the August 1956 march of 20 000 women to the Union Building.
She was influenced by Lilian
Ngoyi, Helen
Joseph and other prominent women leaders of the time but she always
maintains that her husband was her first and best political teacher.
Programme of Action
The Nationalist Party victory in the 1948
elections highlighted, even to the more moderate leaders of the ANC, the
need to find new ways of responding to increasing injustice and oppression.
The Youth League had long recognised the need for something more dramatic
than the deputations and petitions of the past. The Youth League's National
Executive, of which Walter was a part, had drafted a radical new Programme
of Action, which was adopted at the 1949 ANC conference. At that conference
the old guard of the ANC was swept away by the militant Youth League and
to his surprise Walter Sisulu was elected Secretary-General of the organisation.
"I knew when I was elected as secretary-general that the whole burden
of mobilising the movement was on my shoulders and it was something I
would not be able to do if I had other interests". Albertina fully supported
his decision and was more than happy to take on the task of being the
sole breadwinner of the family. She even subsidised the ANC by paying
his monthly railway ticket! Walter became the first full-time Secretary-General
of the ANC with a salary of five pounds a month. Professor
Z K Matthews was highly critical of Walter's decision. He pointed
out, quite correctly, that Walter would not receive the five pounds because
the ANC had no money!
"Walter this is irresponsible," he said.
"How do you aspire to lead the nation if you cannot even provide for your
own family?" (Interview with Walter:1993).
As Secretary-General of the ANC, Walter was
the central figure in the turbulent Fifties, the decade that marked a
new era in resistance politics. He has been described as "the quiet engine
of the ANC", who drove the implementation of the Programme of Action that
transformed the ANC from an ineffectual protest movement to a mass organisation
that would bring freedom to South Africa. He was the first volunteer to
be arrested in the 1952 Defiance Campaign against unjust laws and in the
court appearance that followed he articulated his commitment to the struggle
against white supremacy:
As an African
and national secretary of the Congress I cannot stand aside on an
issue which is a matter of life and death to my people. My duty
is perfectly clear - it is to take the lead and to share with the
humblest of my countrymen the crushing burden imposed on us because
of the colour of our skins. ...In conclusion, I wish to make this
solemn vow and in full appreciation of the consequences it entails.
As long as I enjoy the confidence of my people, and as long as there
is a spark of life and energy in me, I shall fight with courage
and determination for the abolition of discriminatory laws and for
the freedom of all South Africans irrespective of colour or creed.
(Walter Sisulu: Leader of the ANC and Man of the People. IDAF p
10)
From Defiance to Treason
Time and space do not allow for a detailed
examination of Walter Sisulu's role in the major campaigns of the 1 950s:the
Sophiatown removals; the campaign for the Congress of the People and the
adoption of the Freedom Charter in Kliptown in 1955; the campaign against
the introduction of Bantu Education; the bus and potato boycotts; the
political strikes later in the decade; the Treason Trial and the pass
law campaigns. Suffice to say that as Secretary-General of the ANC he
travelled the length and breadth of the country, maintaining contact with
all the branches and provinces. It was he who had to sort out problems
and conflicts in different parts of the country. When Walter attended
the annual conference of the Cape Province, Professor Z K Matthews, the
ANC president of the province, introduced Walter:
As for the
General Secretary, it is hardly necessary for me to welcome him
here. He is a son of the Cape Province and he was with us until
quite recently. During his recent Cape tour he was instrumental
in taking the ANC to the heart of the Transkei, that area that is
supposed to be surrounded with an Iron Curtain. During his brief
sojourn there, they sought him here, they sought him there, they
sought him everywhere, and when he had already returned to headquarters,
they were still seeking. He will soon have to be known as Mr. Walter
'Scarlet Pimpernel"' Sisulu, the ubiquitous General Secretary of
the ANC. (Karis and Carter Vol 3:128)
Walter Sisulu did not only seem to be everywhere
during his stint as ANC Secretary-General. He also seemed to know everyone.
He interacted with all the major political activists of the time, young
or old, conservative or radical. He could count among his friends, leaders
and members of the ANC, the Communist Party of South Africa, the trade
unions and even members of the Non-European Unity Movement, which was
implacably hostile to the ANC. His capacity to establish deep and lasting
friendships across barriers of race, class, ethnicity, religion, gender
and age, facilitated his political work and considerably strengthened
the ANC.
Walter was acutely conscious of the importance
of the international community in the struggle against apartheid and some
would argue that he laid the foundation for the international solidarity
campaign by being the first person to place apartheid on the agenda of
the United Nations through his 1952 petition to the UN. Before 1952 the
South African issue before the United Nations had been the treatment of
peoples of Indian origin in South Africa, which was brought to the UN
by India.
In 1952, WaIter wrote to one of his many
acquaintances, the American writer George Houser to request assistance
in mobilising support for the Defiance Campaign. Houser was inspired by
Walter's request to establish an organisation called Americans for South
African Resistance, the forerunner of The American Committee on Africa
and its sister organisation the Africa Fund. Speaking many decades later
on the 25th anniversary of the Africa Fund, Walter acknowledged that the
significance of the Americans for South African Resistance was "that it
pioneered the idea of an organised lobby against apartheid outside South
Africa and helped inscribe the issue of apartheid on United States foreign
policy'. (Walter Sisulu "Challenges to Africa", The Africa Fund Lectures,
September 1991 p.5.) While mobilising support of the Defiance Campaign,
Walter also established contact with, among many others, Reverend Martin
Luther King and the famous African American singer, actor and activist
Paul Robeson, who was then Chairman of the Council on African Affairs.
He also wrote to Canon John Collins, the head of Christian Action who
went on to set up the Treason Trial Fund, the forerunner of the International
Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF). Walter took the opportunity to pursue his
international solidarity work when he and Duma
Nokwe were invited to the 1953 Youth and Student Festival in Bucharest,
Bulgaria. On the same trip he visited Israel, Poland, China, the USSR
and Britain. During his stay met the veterans of the Pan Africanist Movement
to discuss die possibility of a Pan African Conference. He also made contact
with Mbio Koinage, the brother-in-law of then imprisoned Kenya African
National Union leader, Jomo Kenyatta. From London Walter wrote to the
Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah, proposing that a UN resolution be tabled
for the release of Jomo Kenyatta. Walter also started corresponding with
Kenneth Kaunda, the leader of the Northern Rhodesian nationalist movement,
a correspondence that was the beginning of a lifelong friendship.
Not surprisingly Walter's visit to Eastern
Europe and China attracted the attention of the security police. A Ministry
of Justice memorandum on Walter dated 10 September 1953 noted Walter's
presence at die World Youth Festival: 'As a result of his participation
in the above festivities Sisulu has acquired first hand information about
the methods the communists use to spread propaganda and that he was stuffed
full of poisonous propaganda is not to be denied. It is desirable that
Sisulu's activities be stopped as soon as he is back in the country'.
Soon after his return Walter Sisulu was forced to resign from his position
as Secretary-General of the ANC and banned for two years.
By the time the Freedom Charter was adopted
at the 1955 Kliptown Congress of the People Walter was still banned and
could only watch from a nearby rooftop. Despite the restrictions imposed
upon him, he remained at the centre of the ANCs organisational machinery
and was one of the 156 ANC leaders tried in the famous Treason
Trial from 1956-61.
From
armed struggle to Rivonia
After the Sharpeville
massacre in March 1960, the banning of the ANC and the PAC all avenues
of legal political activity were closed. Walter was one of the moving
spirits behind the decision to embark on armed struggle through the formation
of Umkhonto we Sizwe. A victim
of the intensified persecution of political leaders following the launch
of Umkhonto's sabotage campaign, Walter was arrested and suffered continuous
arrests and harassment from 1961-3. In March 1963 he was sentenced to
six years in prison for incitement arising from the countrywide anti-Republic
strikes in May 1961. It was a dark period for the Sisulu family, both
personally and politically. The death of Walter's mother in November 1962
was followed by the death of his sister Rosabella in March1963. A month
after his sister's death Walter went underground to join the High Command
of Umkhonto we Sizwe. On June 26 he made a dramatic broadcast on the ANC's
pirate radio, in which he announced that he had not left the country and
that many ANC leaders had gone underground to keep the organisation in
action. "Never has the country, and our people, needed leadership as they
do now, in this hour of crisis. Our house is on fire'. He outlined the
crisis in die country and urged people to stand together in the name of
freedom, saying the ANC would lead the way with new methods of struggle.
Even as he spoke Walter was aware that his wife was one of the thousands
of people in jail. He would later learn that his 17-year old son Max had
also been arrested. The security police had detained Max and his mother
to extract information about Walter's whereabouts. They were released
after Walter's arrest with Govan Mbeki, Ahmed
Kathrada, Raymond Mhlaba, Rusty
Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and Arthur Goldreich on 11 July 1963 at
Lillisleaf farm in Rivonia.
Rivonia Trial

A gathering of former Rivonia trialists and
ANC/NEC (National Executive
Committee)
members in exile, Stockholm
The highlight of the Rivonia
Trial was undoubtedly Nelson Mandela's statement from the dock, one of
the great political speeches of all time. Less publicised was the performance
of Walter Sisulu in the witness box. Deprived of the opportunity to cross-examine
Mandela, the prosecutor Percy Yutar directed all his venom at Walter.
It seemed an uneven match - Percy Yutar, the deputy attorney-general of
the Transvaal with a PhD in law, pitted against a political prisoner who
had not even reached high school. The odds were further stacked against
Walter when Yutar spitefully instructed the police to have Walter isolated
for the duration of his evidence. For the five days of his cross-examination
and the weekend in between, Walter was in solitary confinement. He was
not allowed any contact with his co-accused during lunch adjournments
or recess and during exercise periods in jail. He was even driven to court
in a different vehicle.
Walter defied all odds by producing a virtuoso
performance in the witness-box."Only one phrase could describe his performance
- absolutely brilliant!" enthused Kathrada: "At the end of it all Walter
emerged from the witness box as cool, as calm and unruffled as when he
had entered it. Our lawyers and even die accused were amazed at his composure,
his phenomenal memory and the masterly manner in which he acquitted himself'.
(Sisulu prison biography :135)
Joel Joffe, the Instructing Attorney to the
accused wrote that Walter was one of the finest witnesses he had ever
seen:
Walter in
the witness box had been a triumph. The way he came through revealed
his real qualities of stability, calmness and certainty in himself
which had made him a leader in his organisation, and which had ultimately
made him Secretary General of the African National Congress. His
colleagues who had persuaded us beforehand that he would be more
than a match for Yutar had understood him well. (Joffe p151) .Dr
Yutar had tried to take on Walter in the political arena and Walter
had just destroyed him. I have never in my experience as a lawyer,
seen a witness perform better under extreme pressure Joel Joffe:
Talent consortium interview) The whole court, I think, had been
impressed by this sin all man of meagre education bit of tremendous
sincerity, calm, conviction and certainly. To sentence such a man
to death would not be easy for any judge. (Joffe p151)
On 11 June 1964 Judge Quartus de Wet pronounced
a guilty verdict on Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed
Kathrada, Andrew Mlangeni, Elias Motsoaledi and Denis Goldberg.
Rusty Bernstein was found not guilty. Court
was adjourned until the following day when sentence would be announced.
After the verdict had been passed, the lawyers
passed by the jail to see their clients, who were preoccupied with the
question of how to conduct themselves in court if the death sentence was
passed. The lawyers explained that beginning with the first accused, the
judge would ask them if they could give any reason why the death sentence
should not be passed. Mandela said he would have a lot to say. He would
tell the court that his death would not mean the end of the liberation
movement and that he was ready to die for his beliefs. The lawyers pointed
out that militant statements would not help their chances of a successful
appeal. Mandela, Sisulu and Mbeki were not interested in an appeal. As
senior leaders of the liberation movement they felt that they should demonstrate
that they were ready to die for their beliefs. Bram Fischer gave an account
of this meeting in a letter to a young communist party member in exile
on 24 June 1964:
"I must tell
you one important event. Some days before the end of the argument
in court, Govan, Walter and Nelson came to an early morning consultation
to tell us of a decision they had taken with regard to the sentence
Wit turned out to be capital punishment. They had made up their
minds that in that event there was to be no appeal. Their line was
that, should a death sentence be passed on them, the political campaign
around such a sentence should not be hampered by any appeal for
mercy... or by raising vain hopes...we lawyers were staggered at
flrst, but soon realised the decision was politically unassailable.
But I tell you this story not because of its political wisdom. I
want you to know to what incredibly brave men you and others will
have to be successors. (Quoted in Francis Meli: South Africa Belongs
to Us p.158.)
With heavy hearts the lawyers went off to
prepare their plea in mitigation of sentence while the accused sat down
to write what George Bizos referred to as "pleas in aggravation of sentence".
Walter's statement was as follows:
Statement prepared by Walter Sisulu
in the event of his receiving the death sentence. (Written by himself)
I have dedicated
all my life towards making a contribution to the best of my ability.
The destiny of my country and of my people has placed me in the
position where l find myself today; namely to challenge the immoral
laws of your government against my people and indeed against humanity.
I am to face the
gallows simply because I have dedicated my life towards making my
humble contribution to my fatherland and to the advancement of the
aspirations of my people. I am condemned because I have dared to
challenge the Apartheid Monster of the Vorster and Verwoerd clique.
All honest men have
an obligation to smash oppression and tyranny wherever it exists
and by whatever means. History is full of examples of the execution
of those who stand for the truth.
I am quite confident
that our blood will certainly water the Garden of Freedom!
Fortunately for the families of those concerned,
the liberation movement, the South African nation and indeed the African
continent, the death sentence was not passed. On l2 June 1964 the Rivonia
trialists were sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island.
Robben Island
The story of the struggles political prisoners
had to wage to survive the grim conditions on Robben Island would fill
volumes and indeed many volumes have been written on the subject. (These
include Nelson Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela biographies by
Anthony Sampson and Martin Meredith, Ahmed Kathrada Letters from Robben
Island, Natoo Babenia Memoirs of a Saboteur, Neville Alexander Robben
Island Dossier 1964-74, Eddie Daniels Robben Island: There and Back 1964-79,
Moses Dlamini Hellhole, Robben Island: Reminiscences of a Political Prisoner,
Michael Dingake My Fight Against Apartheid, Indres Naidoo and Albie Sachs
Prisoner 885/63: Island in chains: Ten Years on Robben Island. D.M. Zwelonke
Robben Island). This presention will focus on two key strategies for survival
- education and political organisation.
For political prisoners there was nothing
better than academic achievement to raise their morale and make them feel
their prison years were not wasted. Education was a major preoccupation
of the Robben Islanders at a collective and an individual level. Former
prisoners speak proudly of wiping out illiteracy on the Island. The appellation
"University of Robben Island" was well deserved - many prisoners arrived
there with no tertiary education and left with one or more degrees to
their name.
Walter managed to complete his '0' levels
on the Island, quite a drawn out process, since he was allowed to write
only one '0' level subject a year. He then enrolled for a BA with UNISA.
His prison files provide evidence of a running battle with prison authorities
about the obstacles put in the way of prisoners who wanted to study. His
studies were constantly interrupted when he was found using study materials
for other than studies. Finally his studies were abruptly terminated by
his jailers when they uncovered copies of Mandela's prison memoirs. As
a result of that discovery Mandela, Kathrada and Walter 'lost their studies'
for four years and Walter was never really able to continue his academic
career again.
Walter's prison colleagues generally say
that Walter is a brilliant man though it did not reflect on his academic
studies: "He was always curious to know more and more. He was an intellectual
but not in the sense of academic or formal training." (Interview with
Ahmed Kathrada). Mac
Maharaj best describes the anomaly between Walter's level of formal
academic achievement and his intellectual capacity:
He would plough
through many books on his own but for speed he would say 'just read
this chapter and tell me what it says'. He'd help you understand
the chapter through his questions. He would cut through a problem
by always getting to its essence whereas many of us who came from
an academic background wanted to work around a problem, mulling
over every phrase, every sentence and forgetting what was the main
content. It is supposed to be basic to any good education to summarize
a chapter in 10 sentences. Many of us chaps never succeeded in doing
that. We write a summary that is even longer than the chapter itself.
It was in the field of political education
that Walter made his greatest contribution. Among the first structured
political discussions held in the lime quarry was a series of lectures
given by Walter on the history of the ANC. Mandela believed that Walter
"was one of the greatest living historians of the ANC" whose lessons "were
wise and full of understanding" (Long Walk: 557). Ahmed Kathrada agreed
that no one could equal Walter in knowledge of the history of the ANC,
knowledge that he had gained through long years of membership and his
natural curiosity which led him to gather as much knowledge as he could
from the older people before him. (Interview with Ahmed Kathrada). Michael
Dingake referred to Walter as "a walking history of the organisation.
Comrade Walter's memory was phenomenal. Not only did he remember events,
and the names associated with them but also the circumstances under which
they occurred". (Dingake: 214)

Walter Sisulu and Mac Maharaj
It was not only ANC members who were impressed
by Walter's lectures. According to Neville
Alexander the YCC group attended the lectures very excitedly "because
we had never read about this ANC. As Unity Movement people we had been
so indoctrinated that we did not know the history of the ANC. Walter gave
those lectures in a very attractive, anecdotal and sometimes analytical
way". (Interview with Neville Alexander). After one of the lectures, Leslie
van der Heyden asked Walter how the ANC could justify point two of the
Freedom Charter that said, "All national groups shall have equal rights".
The Unity Movement felt that this point explicitly recognised racial groups.
Neville Alexander recalled that Walter "was humble and honest enough to
say he could not give a satisfactory answer and we should direct our question
to Nelson, which we did by the way". (Neville Alexander interview). The
result was a lengthy debate between Nelson Mandela and Neville Alexander
on the national question.
By the time the post-1976 generation arrived
on Robben Island Walter's informal lectures on the ANC formed the major
component of a fully-fledged course of study known as Syllabus A. The
syllabus, devised by the High Organ, consisted of two years of lectures
on the ANC and the liberation struggle, a course on the history of the
Indian Struggle by Kathrada, a history of the Coloured People and a course
on Marxism by Mac Maharaj. Nelson Mandela acknowledged Walter's contribution
to Syllabus A:
It was Walter's
course that was at the heart of all our education. Many of t.he
young ANC members who came to the island had no idea that the organisation
had even been in existence in the 1920s and 1930s, through to the
present day. For many of these young men, it was the only political
education they ever received. (Long Walk: 557)
Walter also played a key role in political
organisation on the Island. The ANC prisoners believed that the struggle
for better conditions in prison was an extension of the wider struggle.
Walter recalled that "like the (Rivonia) Trial, we wanted to make of prison
a stage of the struggle for the Movement and we developed strategies for
that". (Walter Sisulu interview with George Houser and Herb Shore pp1
54,163). A cornerstone of that strategy was to create the political machinery
to operate as the ANC within prison in defiance of prison rules that no
prisoner was allowed to speak on behalf of other prisoners or air the
grievances of other prisoners.
The ANC machinery set up for the single cells
section was the High Organ or the High Command as it was sometimes called.
Members of the High Organ were the four NEC members Mandela, Sisulu, Mbeki
and Mhlaba. Mandela and Mhlaba acted as the secretariat of the High Organ
with Mandela as the overall leader. A fifth member was co-opted on a rotational
basis. The High Organ dealt with the daily concerns of prison life and
the maintenance of internal discipline (Long Walk :525). The High Organ
was not an executive structure though its opinions carried a lot of weight.
Decisions from the High Organ to the cells were discussed, debated and
sometimes rejected. The High Organ operated only in the single cells.
ANC cadres in the general section had their own structure called the Disciplinary
Committee, better known by its acronym, the DC. In his Memoirs of a Saboteur,
MK veteran Natoo Babenia described the interaction between the two structures:
There was
the possibility of democracy in all these structures, but there
was also the chance for top down telephones. Sometimes we would
talk back to the leadership and tell them they were talking nonsense.
Or it could work the other way around. ~Babenia 160)
Walter was a great advocate of unity and
he abhorred tensions and divisions within his beloved organisation. The
High Organ was not immune to these tensions and debates sometimes became
bitter and acrimonious. In his dealings with his colleagues Walter never
allowed political differences to develop into personal animosity.
Walter was admired for his capacity to reach
out to people, bring out the best of everybody and make them feel part
of a team. This gave him the ability to transcend his political differences
with fellow prisoners. Eddie Daniels, the only liberal party member of
Robben Island was deeply moved by the way in which WaIter and Mandela
made him feel a part of their group. Daniels eventually became a member
of the ANC. PAC leader Kwedi Mkalipi often recalls how Walter befriended
him by insisting that they talk to each other despite their political
differences. (Kwedi Mkalipi, Talent Consortium interview.) Walter also
maintained his old friendship with Zeph Mothopeng and got on well with
Clarence Makwethu and Japhta Masemola. Walter always regretted that the
friendly relations he had with PAC members and leaders on a personal level
never translated into cooperation at an organisational level.
The senior ANC leadership on Robben Island
played complementary roles. Nelson Mandela was much sought after by his
fellow prisoners for his political and legal advice. Govan Mbeki was the
theoretician, admired for his intellectual prowess and sought after as
a teacher. His fellow prisoners, especially the younger ones saw Walter
as a father figure who they could approach for emotional support and advice
on family problems.
In the aftermath of the
1976 uprisings Robben island was shaken by an influx of fiery young
men. The 1976 generation,
coming mainly from the black consciousness tradition, saw the older prisoners
as conservative old men and looked down on them for what they perceived
to be their cooperation with the prison authorities. In their first few
years on the Island the Unity Movement prisoners, under the influence
of Mandela, Sisulu and the Rivonia prisoners, had come round to the view
that constant confrontation was unproductive and 'negotiations, patient
discussions and persuasion' were often more effective ways of dealing
with the authorities. (Neville Alexander quoted in Sampson: 277).
The
post-1976 generation interpreted this approach as collaboration with
the enemy and had no respect for it. Confrontation between the young
prisoners
and warders was a daily occurrence. The willingness of the senior prisoners
to listen to the youth paid dividends and they slowly began to exert
their
influence over the young people by demonstrating that confrontation and
retaliation was not always the most effective course of action.
Gradually the dignity and commitment of the
veterans had a sobering effect on the young lions. They came to see that
persuasion and negotiation with the enemy did not mean selling out and
that the battles of the older prisoners had made life easier for them.
While some of the young people did not always see eye to eye with the
veterans they grew to respect and admire them. The majority of them transferred
their allegiance to the ANC. As with earlier groups of prisoners, Walter
was regarded with particular affection by the youth, even those who never
joined the ANC. SASO leader Saths Cooper, who later led AZAPO, echoed
the assessment of Walter's character expressed by past prisoners:
Of that group
- the Rivonia Trialists, he was the one who was able to cross the
divide between groups and to relate to younger people in their own
medium. There was no paternalistic relationship. He was also very
affable and never really took exception. He ended zip being, in
my opinion, the one who was always called upon to mediate, to intercede,
to reduce tensions and tempers, not only between political organisations
but also within the ANC ranks. It was clear that he was the one
who was always creating bridges so that whatever schisms existed,
they were not given the opportunity to erupt. When things got tough
his intercession was crucial. He was the person who poured oil on
troubled waters.
Detention,
torture and exile
During Walter's incarceration, their family
relied on Albertina for its survival, both materially and emotionally.
She struggled to raise and educate her children on her nurse's salary
while she provided unstinting moral support for Walter on Robben Island.
She also emerged as a leader in her own right. Through the dark years
of the Sixties, when the apartheid regime seemed to have successfully
crushed the liberation movement, Albertina managed somehow to continue
with clandestine ANC work despite the fact that she was under stringent
banning orders from 1964-81. Under difficult and dangerous circumstances
she maintained the link between the internal and external movements and
provided some form of continuity in black resistance between the late
1960s and 1970s.
During the 1970s Albertina and Walter experienced
the pain and anxiety of parents whose children are engaged in political
struggle. Gerald Lockman, the son of Walter's sister Rosabella, and Max
Sisulu were in exile in Zambia. In 1974 Max was almost killed by a parcel
bomb explosion. Their daughter Lindiwe was arrested a few days before
the June 16 demonstrations. She was detained for eleven months, mostly
in solitary confinement. News that she was being badly tortured prompted
Walter to write an angry letter of protest to Jimmy Kruger, the then Minister
of Justice. Shortly after her release in 1977 Lindiwe went into exile.
During the 1 970s and 1980s their second eldest son Mlungisi also suffered
periodic arrests and detention. Their adopted son Jongumzi was arrested
in 1984 for Umkhonto we Sizwe activities and sentenced to five years on
Robben Island in 1986.
Because of his role first as a leader of
the Media Workers' Association of South Africa and then as the editor
of the weekly New Nation, Zwelakhe Sisulu became a particular target of
the apartheid regime. He was detained for eight months in 1982 and two
years in 1986. He was released under such severe restrictions that he
was not able to continue his work as a journalist. In 1986 there were
three generations of Sisulu in prison when Mlungisi Jnr, Walter and Albertina's
eldest grandchild was detained for nine months for his part in the Soweto
student movement.
In August 1983 Albertina Sisulu was arrested
and charged with furthering the aims of the ANC at the funeral of her
friend and fellow activist, Rose Mbele. She was released on bail pending
appeal in February 1984 after which she was found guilty and sentenced
to four years in prison. The sentence was overturned on appeal in 1986.
Shortly after her arrest in August 1983, Albertina was elected co-president
of the United Democratic Front (UDF), the powerful umbrella body of community
and civic organisations that finally tipped the balance of the scale of
the anti-apartheid struggle in favour of the liberation movement.
As the combination of internal revolt and
international pressure against apartheid increased, the plight of the
Sisulu family came under increasing focus. Walter, Albertina and Zwelakhe
won a number of human rights awards. In December 1988 the Sisulu family
was awarded the Carter Menil Human Rights award by the Carter Centre at
Emory University in the US. In June 1989 the South African government
finally gave in to international pressure and gave Albertina a passport
that enabled her to lead a high level delegation of UDF leaders on a tour
of Europe. The delegation met British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
and US President George Bush Snr. It was the first time an anti-apartheid
organisation had been received at that level at both the White House and
10 Downing Street.
The political shift in South Africa and the
southern African region that culminated in the release of political prisoners,
the return of political exiles and a negotiated political settlement in
South Africa marked the end of years of separation for the Sisulu family.
On 15 October 1989, after 26 years in prison, Rivonia trialists Walter
Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Andrew Mlangeni, Elias Motsoaledi and Raymond
Mhlaba were released along with Wilton Mkwayi, Oscar Mpetha and Japhta
Masemola. Their release was greeted with scenes of wild celebration around
the country. Soweto was awash with black, green and gold and a huge ANC
flag was draped across the walls of the Sisulu house. Though still banned,
the ANC had come out into the open.
Apartheid's dying days
Walter Sisulu and his colleagues had little
time to savour their release. On the same day they were whisked into a
press conference where they restated their commitment to the ANC, dispelling
government hopes that they might setup an 'internal wing of the ANC' with
a different agenda from the ANC in exile. They immediately plunged into
the mammoth task to reestablishing the ANC inside the country. Walter
led the internal ANC until the release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990.
Walter's election as ANC deputy president in December 1990 kept him at
the centre of A.NC activities. The reunion of family members, friends
and political colleagues after so many years of separation was overshadowed
by the political violence in the final years of apartheid. Walter Sisulu
played a major role in peace efforts during this period, a role that has
yet to be fully documented.
It is said that the darkest hour is before
dawn. Walter felt that this was the case when ANC/SACP leader Chris
Hani was assassinated in April 1993. His grief was intensified by
the death of his dear friend Oliver Tambo in 1993. On the international
front he and Albertina made several trips to the US, Europe and Australia
to thank the international community, especially the anti-apartheid movement,
for its role in the struggle against apartheid and to remind the world
that the struggle was not yet over. Wherever he travelled he echoed the
ANCs call for sanctions to be maintained until a democratically elected
government was in place in South Africa.
We have overcome
Walter and Albertina Sisulu celebrated their
50th wedding anniversary on I7July 1994. Over one thousand people celebrated
with them at the Vista University Hall in Soweto. The occasion was a fitting
tribute to two of South Africa's most venerated leaders as well as an
acknowledgement of the significant role the Sisulu family played and has
continued to play in the life of the nation. Appropriately the golden
wedding anniversary celebration was followed four months later by South
Africa's first democratic elections. With millions of their compatriots,
Walter and Albertina Sisulu celebrated the convincing electoral victory
of the organisation to which they had devoted most of their lives.
Walter Sisulu was deputy president of the
ANC until ill health forced him to retire from active politics in 1994.
Albertina was a member of the first democratic parliament of South Africa
until she retired in 1998. She and Walter now savour the time they spend
together with family and friends. They continue to be passionately committed
to the well being of their community, especially children and young people
and devote much of their time to the Albertina Sisulu Foundation which
is building a multi-purpose community centre in Orlando West, Soweto.
Just as the ANC celebrated its 90k" anniversary
on 9 January this year, Walter Sisulu will be celebrating his 90th birthday
on 18 May. I feel truly blessed, as a member of the Sisulu family and
a daughter of this continent, to have this opportunity to celebrate the
achievements of the man and the organisation. I would like to end with
the words of Walter Sisulu's old friend and comrade Ruth
First, who was denied the gift of longevity by apartheid's assassins.
In May1982, a few months before her tragic death in a letter bomb explosion,
Ruth First spoke at a meeting held in honour of Walter Sisulu on the occasion
of his seventieth birthday. Two decades later her words still ring true:
Walter Sisulu
was not a man for the public occasion, though he could rise to any.
He was the man who made the public occasions possible, who behind
the scenes had carried the burden of the organisation's work. It
was his earnest attention to detail, his patient persistence, which
carried the congress and its campaigns through the country. Walter
Sisulu had other, rarer qualities too. He had the capacity to concentrate
on the principal issues. By his own example of seriousness and dedication
he had the ability to persuade those with doubts and those with
differences, that these should at no cost be allowed to prevail
over the central objectives of the struggle. Walter Sisulu did not
command; he persuaded. His personal behaviour, free of malice and
self-seeking, reinforced his political clarity. He was a revolutionary
because he understood fearlessly the failure of the society in which
he lived to produce any alternative life for this people. He was
also a revolutionary because he valued and loved people; he despaired
of any change except by the masses, and he lived in the hope and
confidence that they would rise to the challenge. As he undoubtedly
still does.
I would like to acknowledge the Ford Foundation
for the book grant that enabled me to embark on this project. In this
regard I would like to make special mention of John Gerhart, the first
director of the Ford Foundation office in South Africa for his personal
commitment to this project. I am also grateful for institutional support
from the Bunting Institute at Radcliffe College in Cambridge, Massachusets,
the African Gender Institute at the University of Cape Town and the Southern
African Development and Education Trust (SADET) consortium. My thanks
go also to Artists for a New South Africa, the Mayibuye Centre and Robben
Island Museum for their input. There are many other people I need to thank,
some of whom do not want to be mentioned by name, but those more detailed
acknowledgements will be made when the book is published.
Elinor Sisulu
- biographical details
Elinor Sisulu was born in Zimbabwe in 1958.
She graduated from the University of Zimbabwe in 1980 with a BA Special
Honours in History. She also studied economic planning and development
in Dakar, Senegal, and obtained an MA in Development Studies from the
Institute of Social Studies in The Hague, Netherlands. She worked for
the Ministry of Labour in Zimbabwe from 1981-87. As an academic researcher
she published studies of women's work in Zimbabwe. She then worked for
the International Labour Organisation's Lusaka Office from 1987 to 1990
on ILO programmes of assistance to the ANC, PAC and SWAPO. In 1991 she
moved to South Africa when her husband, Max Sisulu, returned home after
27 years in exile.
In 1992 she was Assistant Editor for SPEAK,
a black feminist publication. Since them she has worked as a freelance
writer and editor. In 1994 she published an award-winning children's book
The Day Gogo Went to Vote. She is a member of the Advisory Committee of
the Centre for the Book and an executive member of the South African Children's
Book Forum. She has been instrumental in the establishment of a Children's
Literature Network in South Africa. In 1993 Elinor started research on
the biography of legendary South African leaders, Walter and Albertina
Sisulu. She is now in the process of finalising the manuscript for publication
later this year.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sisulu Walter (as told to Michael Dingake,
Lalloo Chiba) Walter Sisulu Prison Memoir, unpublished document
Sisulu, Walter "Challenges to Africa," The
Africa Fund Lectures, September 1991 "Walter Sisulu: Man of the People"
Unpublished ANC document
Walter Max Ulyate Sisulu: Leader of the African
National Congress and Man of the People Pamphlet by Southern Africa -
The Imprisoned Society in co-operation with UN Centre against Apartheid
First, Ruth - Speech on occasion of 80th birthday
of Walter Sisulu May, 1982 Joffe Joel The Rivonia Story Mayibuye Books,
1995
Karis, Thomas and Gerhart Gail eds. From Protest
to challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa
1882 - 1964, Vol 3 Challenge and Violence
Mandela, Nelson The Long Walk to Freedom,
Abacus, London 1995
Meli, Francis South Africa Belongs to US:
A History of the African National Congress, Zimbabwe Publishing House,
Harare 1998
Sampson, Anthony Mandela: The Authorised
Biography Harper Collins, 1999
Sparks, Allister "Walter Sisulu" in They Shaped
Our Century: The Mast Influential South Africans of the Twentieth Gentury,
Human and Rousseau, Cape Town 1999
Interviews
By E Sisulu
Neville Alexander
James Matthews
Ahmed Kathrada
By George Houser and Herb Shore
Walter Sisulu
By Talent Consortium
Kwedi Mkalipi
Mac Maharaj
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